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<![CDATA[Perempuan Seksi dalam Jaring Korupsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Vol 11, No 1 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi ]]>
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<![CDATA[Abstract: Tempo.co coverage on Ahmad Fathanahâs corruption case represents woman as subordinated and sensational object. This representation dismises woman from the corruption issues itself. Instead, it leads to a tendency to âexploitâ woman by emphasizing the gossip. On covering this issue, Tempo.co acts as if it holds the âauthorizationâ and âlegitimationâ to define woman as polite woman or âwildâ woman and how they should behave in front of camera/public. Such text shows a control mechanism towards body and mind of woman as stated by Foucault. The body of woman repeatedly become an object in media.Abstrak: Perempuan yang dihadirkan oleh Tempo.co dalam pemberitaan kasus korupsi Ahmad Fathanah adalah sebagai representasi objek sensasional. Representasi ini justru menjauhkan subjek perempuan dari kasus korupsinya sendiri. Beberapa teks berita menampilkan âotoritasâ dan âlegitimasiâ Tempo.co dalam mendefinisikan kesopanan perempuan ketika mereka tampil di depan publik atau di depan kamera. Salah satunya dengan menilai deskripsi penampilan, wajah, atau pakaian yang dipakai. Tak ketinggalan, Tempo.co âmeramalâ situasi jiwa perempuan: sedang depresi atau tidak. Inilah model mekanisme kontrol seperti yang dijelaskan Foucault bahwa semua bisa diatur dan dihukum menurut norma sosial yang berlaku, menurut siapa yang berkuasa pada kurun waktu tertentu.]]>
<![CDATA[Nahdlatul Ulama: Bebas untuk Oportunis? Menelisik Kontestasi Politik pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Banyumas Periode 2008 dan 2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Febrina, Rahmi Hasyfi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mustika, Bangun Udi]]>;
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 18, No 2 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Nahdlatul Ulama as a religious organization, as independence intermediary organs which is helped the people to represent their interest between public affairs to the state. NU is not seen as opportunistic religion organization and a shamed organization cause of its ideology. More than, NU on politic arena, attempt to return as a religion organization which is has a greatest vission for making importance agenda and welfare of the members of a religion community (umat) life. Unbalancing support of NU at two periods of head of province or district election in Banyumas region on 2008 and 2013 explained that NU stood up to the fortification which likely could guarantee of NUâs interest. It does not care about âinconsistentâ stigma which is marked to NU. Thus, welfare and interest of umat are more importance than just having adoration as âconsistenceâ and âsportiveâ religion organization in Banyumas, generally in politic arena. This research is qualitative-interpretative approach. The method is used observation, indeep interview and also utilizing secunder data and documentation matters.]]>
<![CDATA[Melayu di Atas Tiga Bendera: Konstruksi Identitas Nasionalisme Masyarakat Perbatasan di Kepulauan Batam ]]>
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 19, No 2 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang konstruksi identitas nasionalisme masyarakat perbatasandi Kepulauan Batam. Jenis penelitian ini adalah kualitatif-interpretatif, dengan unit analisapernyataan-pernyataan, cerita-cerita, dan pandangan informan tentang bayangan nasionalismemasyarakat perbatasan. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa masyarakat perbatasan diKepulauan Batam mengaku mencintai dan membela Indonesia dengan kondisi yang âterbelahâ,karena pada saat yang bersamaan juga beririsan dengan Melayu dan kemelayuan sebagai raisondâetre yang sifatnya lintas negara. Nasionalisme yang âterbelahâ ini disebabkan karena pertaliandan kedekatan bersama di bawah payung Melayu yang mampu mengalahkan kekuatan ideologinegara dan teritori yang memisahkan masyarakat perbatasan, baik Indonesia, Singapuramaupun Malaysia. Pengalaman sejarah dan pengalaman kultural bersama inilah yang kemudianmemberikan warna, corak, atau kekhasan tersendiri bagi masyarakat perbatasan di KepulauanBatam ketika membayangkan atau mendefi niskan nasionalisme tersebut.]]>
<![CDATA[Perempuan Seksi dalam Jaring Korupsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI Vol 11, No 1 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[FISIP Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24002/jik.v11i1.383
<![CDATA[Abstract: Tempo.co coverage on Ahmad Fathanah’s corruption case represents woman as subordinated and sensational object. This representation dismises woman from the corruption issues itself. Instead, it leads to a tendency to “exploit†woman by emphasizing the gossip. On covering this issue, Tempo.co acts as if it holds the “authorization†and “legitimation†to define woman as polite woman or ‘wild’ woman and how they should behave in front of camera/public. Such text shows a control mechanism towards body and mind of woman as stated by Foucault. The body of woman repeatedly become an object in media.Abstrak: Perempuan yang dihadirkan oleh Tempo.co dalam pemberitaan kasus korupsi Ahmad Fathanah adalah sebagai representasi objek sensasional. Representasi ini justru menjauhkan subjek perempuan dari kasus korupsinya sendiri. Beberapa teks berita menampilkan ‘otoritas’ dan ‘legitimasi’ Tempo.co dalam mendefinisikan kesopanan perempuan ketika mereka tampil di depan publik atau di depan kamera. Salah satunya dengan menilai deskripsi penampilan, wajah, atau pakaian yang dipakai. Tak ketinggalan, Tempo.co ‘meramal’ situasi jiwa perempuan: sedang depresi atau tidak. Inilah model mekanisme kontrol seperti yang dijelaskan Foucault bahwa semua bisa diatur dan dihukum menurut norma sosial yang berlaku, menurut siapa yang berkuasa pada kurun waktu tertentu.]]>
<![CDATA[THE DISCOURSE OF (RE)MOTHERHOOD IN ONLINE MEDIA: A Critical Study of the Corruption News on Tempo.co ]]>
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>;
<![CDATA[Noviani, Ratna]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Communication Spectrum : Capturing New Perspectives in Communication Vol 10, No 1 (2020): February - July 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Communication Science, Bakrie University ]]>
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DOI: 10.36782/jcs.v10i1.2003
<![CDATA[The news report of Tempo.co about both Ahmad Fathanah and Ratu Atut Chosiyah corruption cases took the discourse of mother and women as the main idea. Mother and women were involved in both cases that tend to be reported exaggeratedly with a huge sensation by using connotation dictions. Media disclosed not only their scandal in corruption but also personal and private life. The motherhood feature of those women become the underlined a major issue in the news. This research focused on three concerns: the discourse formation of (re)motherhood in the news report of both corruption cases, the subject position of mother and women in the news, and the reason why the discourse of mother and women become the main topic in the news report. Critical discourse analysis by Sara Mills was used for showing how media has constructed subject-object and reader positioning on the news. The result showed that the discourse of motherhood was not only reproduced by the nation, but also by the news in online media (Tempo.co). Media has ideological instruments (i.e. wording, grammar, and reader position) to narrate, to evaluate, and more important to define the role of mother and women to fix with the conventional socio-cultural values. They have represented mother and women as independent and modern subject and at the same time, they also circumscribed the definition to make sure that they remain in the ideal type: as the guardian of the family, the companion of the husband, and the guide of the children. To cite this article (7th APA style): Dedees, A. R. & Noviani, R. (2020). The Discourse of (re)motherhood in Online Media: A Critical Study of the Corruption News on Tempo.co. Journal Communication Spectrum, 10(1), 24-37. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.36782/jcs.v10i1.2003 ]]>
<![CDATA[DOMESTIC VIOLENCE DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Study on Magdelene.co Articles ]]>
<![CDATA[Ndruru, Greta Theresia]]>;
<![CDATA[Dedees, Adek Risma]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Communication Spectrum: Capturing New Perspectives in Communication Vol 10, No 2 (2020): August 2020 - January 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Communication Science, Bakrie University ]]>
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DOI: 10.36782/jcs.v10i2.2100
<![CDATA[The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) reports that there has been an increase in Domestic Violence (KDRT) during Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB). The results of an online survey conducted by Komnas Perempuan led Magdalene.co to raise violence through the Safe Space channel specifically. Magdalene.co is a feminist online media that actively raises issues of gender and feminism. This study discusses what types of violence occur during the pandemic and how Magdalene.co raises domestic violence. This study uses a qualitative approach by conducting online observations of articles on the Safe Space channel presented during June 2020. This study also conducted interviews with the co-founder and reporter of Magdalene.co. The results found that economic and psychological violence were the two types of violence that increased. These phenomena are due to the uncertain economic conditions during the pandemic. This research also found several efforts made by Magdalene.co in raising the issue of violence during the Covid-19 pandemic, one of which was by using a particular Safe Space channel. Launched June 2020, this channel collaborates with other institutions such as Komnas Perempuan and the "Apik" Legal Aid Institute. To cite this article (7th APA style):Nduru, G. T. & Dedees, A. R. (2020). Domestic Violence during the Covid-19 Pandemic: Study on Magdelene.co Articles. Journal Communication Spectrum: Capturing New Perspectives in Communication, 10(2), 83-93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36782/jcs.v10i2.2100 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wacana Homo Nationalis dalam Iklan Minuman NutriSari Heritage ]]>
<![CDATA[Adek Risma Dedees]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Komunikasi Vol. 8 No. 1 (2013): Volume 8, Nomor 1, Oktober 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi ]]>
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<![CDATA[Discourse of homo nationalist or ‘nationality’ at NutriSari Heritage drinking ads is fulled by construction of ‘national identity’ as a part of Indonesian ‘nation’. This ads explains refraction or ‘pseudoisation’ of ethnicity of representation on discourse of homo nationalist as implication because of be valued majority or fulled by highest valued (luhung). The refraction might happened because of existence stereotyping toward ethnicity of nation certain. Stereotyping is produced, reproducted, guarded, kept, and even preserved in multiple discourses, in this case at drinking advertisement. Method of this research is qualitative-interpretative within used critical discourse analysis approach. This research use Ruth Wodak critical discourse analysis modal. It is used for interpretating and elaborating homo nationalist discourse in narration constructing of ‘nationhood’.]]>
<![CDATA[Merebut Kursi Impian Partisipasi Perempuan di Tengah Intervensi Negara dan Dinasti Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Adek Risma Dedees]]>
<![CDATA[ Intizar Vol 22 No 2 (2016): Intizar ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian dan Penerbitan Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Fatah Palembang ]]>
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DOI: 10.19109/intizar.v22i2.947
<![CDATA[Kebijakan affirmative action merupakan bentuk diksriminasi positif bagi perempuan di Indonesia untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan dan pengambilan kebijakan di parlemen. Dengan kebijakan ini kesadaran gender di parlemen pelan tapi pasti memberikan harapan bagi perjuangan dan keadilan perempuan. Kebijakan affirmative action diharapkan mampu mengubah wajah parlemen yang bias kepentingan patriarki menuju kebijakan-kebijakan yang lebih ramah kepada perempuan. Sementara itu, partisipasi perempuan melalui dinasti politik sebagai sandaran tidak bisa disebut jelek atau tidak memiliki modal atau pengetahuan berpolitik. Sebagai tahap awal dan lewat jalur apapun, lebih baik rakyat melihat perempuan di posisi paling tinggi di pemerintahan, perusahaan, dan organisasi daripada tidak sama sekali. Jenis penelitian ini kualitatif interpretatif dengan kajian pustaka perihal persoalan partisipasi perempuan dalam ranah politik.Affirmative action policies are forms of positive discrimination for women in Indonesia to be directly involved in the manufacturing process and policy making in parliament. With this policy of gender awareness in parliament, it slowly but surely gives hope to women's struggle and justice. Affirmative action policies are expected to change the face of parliament biased towards the interests of patriarchal policies that are more friendly to women. Meanwhile, the participation of women through political dynasty as the backrest cannot be called bad, or does not have the capital or knowledge of politics. As an early stage and through any path, it is much better people's view of women is in the highest positions in the government, companies, and organizations than nothing at all. This type of research is qualitative interpretive literature review regarding the issue of women's participation in the political sphere.]]>
<![CDATA[Perempuan Seksi dalam Jaring Korupsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Adek Risma Dedees]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI Vol. 11 No. 1 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[FISIP Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24002/jik.v11i1.383
<![CDATA[Abstract: Tempo.co coverage on Ahmad Fathanah’s corruption case represents woman as subordinated and sensational object. This representation dismises woman from the corruption issues itself. Instead, it leads to a tendency to “exploit†woman by emphasizing the gossip. On covering this issue, Tempo.co acts as if it holds the “authorization†and “legitimation†to define woman as polite woman or ‘wild’ woman and how they should behave in front of camera/public. Such text shows a control mechanism towards body and mind of woman as stated by Foucault. The body of woman repeatedly become an object in media.Abstrak: Perempuan yang dihadirkan oleh Tempo.co dalam pemberitaan kasus korupsi Ahmad Fathanah adalah sebagai representasi objek sensasional. Representasi ini justru menjauhkan subjek perempuan dari kasus korupsinya sendiri. Beberapa teks berita menampilkan ‘otoritas’ dan ‘legitimasi’ Tempo.co dalam mendefinisikan kesopanan perempuan ketika mereka tampil di depan publik atau di depan kamera. Salah satunya dengan menilai deskripsi penampilan, wajah, atau pakaian yang dipakai. Tak ketinggalan, Tempo.co ‘meramal’ situasi jiwa perempuan: sedang depresi atau tidak. Inilah model mekanisme kontrol seperti yang dijelaskan Foucault bahwa semua bisa diatur dan dihukum menurut norma sosial yang berlaku, menurut siapa yang berkuasa pada kurun waktu tertentu.]]>
<![CDATA[Melayu di Atas Tiga Bendera: Konstruksi Identitas Nasionalisme Masyarakat Perbatasan di Kepulauan Batam ]]>
<![CDATA[Adek Risma Dedees]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 19, No 2 (2015): NOVEMBER ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.10850
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang konstruksi identitas nasionalisme masyarakat perbatasandi Kepulauan Batam. Jenis penelitian ini adalah kualitatif-interpretatif, dengan unit analisa pernyataan-pernyataan, cerita-cerita, dan pandangan informan tentang bayangan nasionalis memasyarakat perbatasan. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa masyarakat perbatasan di Kepulauan Batam mengaku mencintai dan membela Indonesia dengan kondisi yang ‘terbelah’, karena pada saat yang bersamaan juga beririsan dengan Melayu dan kemelayuan sebagai raisond’etre yang sifatnya lintas negara. Nasionalisme yang ‘terbelah’ ini disebabkan karena pertaliandan kedekatan bersama di bawah payung Melayu yang mampu mengalahkan kekuatan ideologi negara dan teritori yang memisahkan masyarakat perbatasan, baik Indonesia, Singapura maupun Malaysia. Pengalaman sejarah dan pengalaman kultural bersama inilah yang kemudian memberikan warna, corak, atau kekhasan tersendiri bagi masyarakat perbatasan di Kepulauan Batam ketika membayangkan atau mendefi niskan nasionalisme tersebut.]]>
