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All Journal Yustisia PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) Sriwijaya Law Review Jurnal Penelitian Hukum De Jure SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada Constitutional Review Jurnal Konstitusi Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi Mimbar Hukum Indonesia Law Review (ILREV) SASI JILS (Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies)
Andy Omara
Universitas Gadjah Mada
Humanities Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Education Environmental Science Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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INTERPRETASI FRASA ADIL DAN LAYAK DALAM HUBUNGAN KERJA DALAM PASAL 28D AYAT (2) UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945 Panji Mulkillah Ahmad; Andy Omara
Mimbar Hukum Vol 35 No 1 (2023): Mimbar Hukum
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/mh.v35i1.5158

Abstract

Abstract Everyone wants treatment that “just and favourable in working relations”, as a right that is guaranteed by Article 28D paragraph (2) of the UUD 1945. However, the unclear meaning of this phrase raises problems of labor protection and uncertainty over the wage system. This article examines the meaning of the phrase “just and favourable in working relations” in the minutes of the Second Amendment to the UUD 1945 and the decisions of the Constitutional Court, as well as the implications of the unclear meaning of the phrase. This research is normative legal research with historical, casuistic, and conceptual approaches. The conclusions of this study: 1) The formulation of Article 28D paragraph (2) in the second amendment session of the 1945 Constitution originates from the MPR Decree Number XVII/MPR/1998 concerning Human Rights, which refers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. 2) The phrase “just and favourable in working relations” was interpreted differently by the Constitutional Court in several decisions. 3) There is no clear meaning in the decisions of the Constitutional Court for the phrase “just and favourable in working relations”. The Constitutional Court also did not interpret this phrase further with ILO recommendations and conventions which have clear criteria for a just and favourable work relationship. 4) This ambiguity has implications for workers not being protected in informal working relationships and changes in wage arrangements that do not refer to just and favourable work criteria. Abstrak Setiap orang mendambakan perlakuan “adil dan layak dalam hubungan kerja”, sebagai hak yang dijamin Pasal 28D ayat (2) UUD 1945. Namun ketidakjelasan makna atas frasa tersebut menimbulkan problem perlindungan tenaga kerja dan ketidakpastian sistem pengupahan. Artikel ini mengkaji makna atas frasa “adil dan layak dalam hubungan kerja” dalam risalah sidang Perubahan Kedua UUD 1945 dan putusan-putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, serta implikasi ketidakjelasan makna atas frasa tersebut. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan historis, kasuistis dan konseptual. Kesimpulan penelitian ini: 1) Perumusan Pasal 28D ayat (2) dalam sidang perubahan kedua UUD 1945 bersumber dari Tap MPR Nomor XVII/MPR/1998 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia, yang merujuk ke Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia dan Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Ekonomi, Sosial dan Budaya. 2) Frasa “adil dan layak dalam hubungan kerja” diinterpretasikan MK secara berbeda dalam beberapa putusan. 3) Tidak terdapat makna yang jelas dalam putusan-putusan MK atas frasa “adil dan layak dalam hubungan kerja”. MK juga tidak menginterpretasi frasa tersebut lebih lanjut dengan rekomendasi dan konvensi ILO yang memiliki kriteria jelas hubungan kerja adil dan layak. 4) Ketidakjelasan tersebut berimplikasi pada tidak terlindunginya tenaga kerja dalam hubungan kerja informal dan perubahan-perubahan pengaturan pengupahan yang tidak mengacu pada kriteria kerja adil dan layak.
Theoretical Reconstruction of the ’Existence of the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission and Its Comparison to Other Anti-Corruption Agencies in Asia Gunawan A. Tauda; Ni'matul Huda; Andy Omara
PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) Vol 10, No 2 (2023): PADJADJARAN JURNAL ILMU HUKUM (JOURNAL OF LAW)
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Padjadjaran

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Abstract

Article 3 of the Indonesian Law Number 19 of 2019 stipulates that the Corruption Eradication Commission is a state institution within the executive power branch, which in carrying out its duties and authorities is independent and free from the influence of any power. The basic arrangement is not without problems, considering the institutional design of the Corruption Eradication Commission was initially stated in the Law Number 30 of 2002 “…a state institution, which in carrying out its duties and authorities is independent…,” becomes “…state institutions within the executive power branch….” The stipulation in Article 3, also the basic article of the law was confirmed by the Constitutional Court in Verdict Number 70/PUU-XVII/2019. This study aims to answer problems of theoretical construction of the commission after the Constitutional Court Verdict Number 70/PUU-XVII/2019. This study used the normative legal research method. The study concluded that, theoretically, there was a shift in the institutional design of the commission, from an independent agency to an independent executive organ, equivalent to the National Police and the Attorney General’s Office of Indonesia. The change is a setback in corruption eradication. Compared to other anti-corruption agencies in Asia, the institutional design is not an ideal condition or best practice. Therefore, legislators should restore the commission as an independent agency.DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v10n2.a2
Why Did the Adoption of Constitutional Deferral Lead to Unintended Consequences of Freedom of Association in Indonesia? Andy Omara; Kristina Viri; Faiz Rahman
Sriwijaya Law Review Volume 8 Issue 1, January 2024
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Sriwijaya University, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.28946/slrev.Vol8.Iss1.2148.pp60-78

Abstract

A constitutional deferral is an approach utilised by constitutional drafters so that the drafters do not regulate things in detail in the constitution. This approach is believed to provide more opportunity for the constitutional framers to achieve consensus in drafting a constitution. In the end, this helps a constitution last longer. Constitutional deferral also offers some flexibility for the legislative and the judiciary in interpreting the text of the constitution in the future, which may accommodate the original intentions of the constitutional drafters. This paper argues the opposite. In Indonesia, adopting constitutional deferral causes an uncertain future of freedom of association. This paper aims to address two central questions. First, why did the framers of the first constitution adopt constitutional deferral in drafting provisions on freedom of association? Second, what are the consequences of implementing constitutional deferral toward freedom of association in Indonesia? Through historical and doctrinal approaches, the paper concludes (1) that the sharp ideological differences among constitutional drafters when drafting provisions on freedom of association forced them to employ constitutional deferral. (2) The use of constitutional deferral opens more possibilities for inconsistent interpretation by the executive, the lawmakers, and the judiciary when they establish law or adjudicated cases related to freedom of association. Through constitutional deferral, these three branches of government limit freedom of association instead of protecting such freedom.
Why Not Indonesia an Islamic State? Constitutional Debate Concerning Religion-State Relation in A Muslim Majority Country Omara, Andy
Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 8, No 1 (2024): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam
Publisher : Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v8i1.15889

Abstract

When Muslims are majority in a particular country, it is often linked to the adoption of Islam as the state official religion or Islam as the identity of the state i.e. “Islamic State.” Yet, this is not the case of Indonesia. Why did not the Indonesian constitutional drafters declare Indonesia as an Islamic state or at least recognize Islam as the state official religion in the first Constitution despite the fact that Indonesia is a Muslim majority country? What explains the above fact? This paper aims to answer these two important questions by employing two constitutional law approaches: constitutional history and constitutional deferral. Constitutional history aims to understand the original intentions of the framers of the first Constitution through studying the minutes of the 1st Constitution. Constitutional deferral concept is used to explain the formulation of state-religion relation in the provisions of the first Constitution. This paper argues the fact that the constitutional drafters did not expressly state Islam as the state official religion in the Constitution did not mean that they overlooked to discuss such an important topic, rather because they had diverse views on how to include religion-state relation in the constitution. The sharp ideological difference among constitutional drafters is likely the cause of the adoption of constitutional deferral -a method of drafting constitutional through somewhat general and abstract provisions. The use of constitutional deferral is favorable because it opens more opportunity among constitutional drafters to achieve consensus and get things done. In practice, Indonesia is not a country officially based on Islam, but substantially Islamic values live in Indonesia. This article contributes to the study of the relationship between state and religion in Indonesia, regarding the current and future background and dialectics.
Relasi Pancasila dengan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Sebagai Sumber Hukum di Indonesia: Relasi Pancasila dengan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Sebagai Sumber Hukum di Indonesia Muttaqin, Labib; Atmoredjo, Sudjito; Omara, Andy
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol. 21 No. 1 (2024)
Publisher : Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31078/jk2115

Abstract

Pancasila maupun Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi keduanya sama-sama berkedudukan sebagai sumber hukum dalam pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menganalisis bagaimana relasi yang harus dibangun antara Pancasila dengan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, data dalam tulisan bersumber pada bahan-bahan hukum baik bahan hukum primer, sekunder, maupun tersier. Oleh karena itu, teknik pengumpulan data yang dipilih adalah studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa Putusan MK yang bersifat mengatur (konstitusional-inkonstitusional bersyarat dan yang merumuskan norma baru) menjadikan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum mengikat yang memiliki implikasi besar dalam mengkonstruksi pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Pada titik ini, Hakim Konstitusi harus bisa merelasikan dan mensinkronkan putusan yang dibuatnya dengan Pancasila, mengingat sebagai sumber hukum Pancasila merupakan sumber hukum dasar nasional dan sumber segala sumber hukum di Indonesia.
Why Constitutional Courts Back Death Penalty? Insights from Indonesia and South Korea Omara, Andy; Rahman, Faiz
Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi Vol. 7 Issue 2 (2024) Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Dan Konstitusi
Publisher : Faculty of Sharia, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Profesor Kiai Haji Saifuddin Zuhri Purwokerto, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24090/volksgeist.v7i2.10773

Abstract

This article explores the paradoxical affirmation of the death penalty by the Constitutional Courts in Indonesia and South Korea, despite constitutional guarantees for the right to life and the fundamental right of human dignity. Through historical and content analyses, it explores how these courts interpret these rights in relation to the death penalty and why they affirm it constitutional. Both countries recognise the nonderogable nature of these rights, yet their Constitutional Courts allow for legal restrictions. Constitutional Court’s decision to impose limitations on nonderogable rights demonstrates their preference for maintaining a cautious and conservative approach. The examination of Constitutional Courts’ decisions reveals that the debate over the death penalty’s constitutionality extends beyond legal considerations, involving political dynamics and historical factors. This article underscores the complex interplay between constitutional guarantees, judicial interpretation, and sociopolitical contexts in shaping the countries’ human rights protection trajectories, especially in the context of nonderogable rights. It also highlights the crucial role of Constitutional Courts in safeguarding the right to life, as their decisions can significantly impact human rights protection in these countries.
The Importance of Institutional Arrangement to Safeguard Maritime Security and Safety in Indonesia: The Case of Marine Security and Safety Agency Omara, Andy
SASI Volume 30 Issue 1, March 2024
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Pattimura

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47268/sasi.v30i1.1789

Abstract

Introduction: Multiple agencies approach has been adopted by the Indonesian government to ensure maritime security and safety. The involvement of multiple actors potentially leads to overlapping authorities and an uncoordinated operation. For stakeholders at sea, such approach is inefficient, ineffective and creates confusion. The situation needs to be addressed to make more a coordinated, efficient, and effective method. This paper tries to address such an issue through institutional law lens.Purposes of the Research:  This paper aims to answer three important questions (1) How is the enforcement of security and safety at sea so far? (2) What are the implications as the many institutions involved in the enforcement of safety and security at sea? and (3) What kind of institutional arrangements to be made in the future so that law enforcement at sea becomes effective and efficient?.Methods of the Research: This study utilizes a normative legal approach. It exercises legal doctrines, relevant laws and regulations. It is also suplemented by relevant literatures, books, journals, and media coverages.Results of the Research: This paper finds that the enforcement of security and safety at sea adopts multi agencies where many institutions involved in maintaining security and safety at sea. The fact that multiple institutions simultaniously  participate in law enforcement at sea, potentially create overlapping and lack of coordination among them. This also creates confusion and disadvantage to the stakeholders. Therefore, it is necessary to reorganize the current institutional arrangements to minimize the problems on the ground.
Is the Legislator in the Constitutional Court? Examining the Tension Between Judiciary and Democracy in Indonesia Muttaqin, Labib; Omara, Andy; Atmoredjo, Sudjito; Fikri AR, M
Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies Vol. 10 No. 1 (2025): Legal Transformation and Policy Challenges in Indonesia: Navigating Technology
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/jils.v10i1.13494

Abstract

In cases of judicial review, the extension of the Constitutional Court's authority from negative to positive legislators contests the potential conflicts with democratic institutions, particularly parliament and the government. This study aims to analyze four key aspects: the legitimacy of the Constitutional Court in making Positive Legislature decisions, the conflicts that emerge between democratic institutions and the Constitutional Court due to the issuance of positive legislature decisions, Constitutional Courts as positive legislators in a comparative study, and the efforts undertaken to resolve conflicts. The research utilized a doctrinal legal research method, relying on secondary data gathered across literature pieces and analyzed qualitatively. The findings reveal that the Constitutional Court's decision to take on a positive legislator role has sparked conflicts between the courts and democratic institutions in Indonesia. This conflict was exemplified when parliament and the government withstand Constitutional Court Decision No. 91/PPUU-XVIII/2020, which declared certain provisions of Law No. 11 of 2020 on Job Creation somehow conditionally unconstitutional. Viewed from a global perspective, the Constitutional Court's role as a positive legislator also challenges democracy issues in many countries. To mitigate such conflicts, it is crucial to establish a mutual understanding among the Constitutional Court, parliament, and the government regarding the guidelines that the Constitutional Court should follow while making positive legislature decisions and the implementation by parliament and the President.
Co-Authors Atmoredjo, Sudjito Dian Agung Wicaksono Faiz Rahman Faiz Rahman, Faiz Fikri AR, M Gunawan A. Tauda Joko Setiono Kristina Viri Labib Muttaqin Muhammad Ibrahim Ni'matul Huda Panji Mulkillah Ahmad Rahman, Faiz Yulkarnain Harahap