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All Journal Journal Publicuho CALGOVS (LOCAL POLITIC AND GOVERNMENT ISSUES) Journal Publicuho
La Ode Efrianto
Universitas Halu Oleo
Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Social Sciences

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MAHASISWA DALAM CENGKRAMAN POLITICAL PRACTICE (Telaah Partisipasi Politik Mahasiswa Pada Pemilu Serentak 2019) La Ode Efrianto; La Ode Ramalan; Amos Amos; Wa Ode Lusianai
Journal Publicuho Vol 2, No 4 (2019): November - January
Publisher : Universitas Halu Oleo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (210.322 KB) | DOI: 10.35817/jpu.v2i4.10275

Abstract

The political practice of students in the 2019 simultaneous elections formed by mobilization carried out by candidates for legislative members from various electoral districts together with the winning team and from the party's elite forms a stimulus so that student political participation is deliberately formed according to the political wishes of the legislative members who carry out mobilization. Mobilization results in political participation arising from students no longer based on conscience. This study aims to Political Participation of Students in 2019 Simultaneous Elections. This study uses a qualitative method. Qualitative research is aimed at describing and analyzing phenomena, events, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions and human thoughts individually or in groups. The results showed that the students' political practice in the 2019 simultaneous elections formed by the mobilization carried out by legislative candidates from various electoral districts together with the winning teams and from the party's elite formed a stimulus so that student political participation was formed in accordance with the political desires of legislative members who mobilize. Mobilization results in political participation arising from students no longer based on conscience.
ANALISIS SIRKULASI KEPEMIMPINAN PARTAI GOLKAR DAERAH ISTIMEWA YOGYAKARTA MENGGUNAKAN KONSEP INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY Azwar Wijaya Syam; La Ode Efrianto; Wa Ode Lusianai
Jurnal Local Politic And Government Issues (Calgovs) Vol 1, No 02 (2020): Edisi September 2020
Publisher : Universitas Halu Oleo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (420.618 KB) | DOI: 10.52423/calgovs.v1i02.15062

Abstract

Penelitian ini menganalisis proses sirkulasi/seleksi kepemimpinan di internal Partai Golkar melalui Musyawarah Daerah (Musda) di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta tahun 2009. Penelitian ini berangkat dari tuntutan partai politik sebagai ‘roh’ demokrasi agar dapat berdemokrasi dari dalam terlebih dahulu. Sebab, bagaimana mungkin sebuah partai politik dapat mengawal demokrasi jika mereka sendiri tidak demokratis terlebih dahulu. Partai Golkar kemudian dianggap lebih menarik untuk dikaji karena Golkar merupakan salah satu contoh partai besar yang telah melakukan transformasi dari dalam menuju kearah yang lebih demokratis dalam hal seleksi kepemimpinan partai. Penelitian ini melihat terlebih dahulu bagaimana pola seleksi kepemimpinan Golkar di era Orde Baru kemudian membandingkan dengan Golkar Era reformasi, lalu setelah itu barulah dilihat seleksi kepemimpinan Golkar di tingkat daerah dalam hal ini Partai Golkar di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Kerangka yang digunakan untuk memahami lebih dalam proses seleksi kepemimpinan partai Golkar adalah Intra-Party Democracy. Malalui kerangka Intra-Party Democracy, Susan Scarrow memberikan beberapa pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang menentukan sejauh mana proses demokratisasi itu berjalan. Seperti, siapa yang dipilih, siapa yang memilih dan bagaimana mekanisme pemilihan?Menggunakan kerangka analisis Intra-Party Democracy dan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan beberapa temuan. Pertama, secara procedural proses seleksi kepemimpinan partai Golkar melalui Musda 2009 berjalan demokratis. Mekanisme-mekanisme partai yang menjadi aturan main dalam Musda dilaksanakan dengan baik oleh para kandidat dalam hal ini Gandung Pardiman dan Rahmad Pribadi serta para pemegang hak suara. Kedua, kemenangan Gandung Pardiman dengan meraih suara dominan dalam Musda tidak terlepas dari pengalaman organisasi politisi senior tersebut serta kekuatan finansial. Ketiga, penelitian ini menemukan adanya indikasi praktek money politic serta factor kedekatan dengan Sultan Hamengkubuwono X sebagai sesepuh internal Golkar. Selain factor prestasi dan pengalaman tidak bisa dipungkiri kemudian adanya praktek money politic dalam bentuk Club Goods.Namun,kemenangan Gandung Pardiman sebagai sosok politisi senior dan juga pengaruh Sultan ternyata tidak mampu untuk mengangkat suara Golkar DIY dalam kontestasi politik.           
SIKAP MASYARAKAT TERHADAP POLITIK UANG PADA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAEARAH SERENTAK TAHUN 2024 KABUPATEN MUNA BARAT Muhammad Ishak Syahadat; Iriyani Astuti Arief; La Ode Efrianto
Journal Publicuho Vol. 6 No. 4 (2023): November - January - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v6i4.295

Abstract

This research purpose is to find out the people’s attitudes about money politics in the simultaneous regional head elections of 2024, especially in the villages of Barangka, Lapolea, and Sawerigadi in the Barangka District of the West Muna Regency. This research uses the theory of money politics to find out people’s attitudes in the selection of regional head candidates, whether by carrying out various forms of money politics such as; buying votes, giving personal goods, services and events, giving group goods, and pork barrel projects. It’s interesting to know this because, in the Barangka district, voters typically abstain from casting ballots, if they receive no benefits. The data collection technique is used by distributing questionnaires, literature reviews, and documentation with data analysis techniques which consist of three stages, they are; data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. The research results found that a significant amount of people were received money or other goods from candidates competing in the legislative and regional head elections in the 2024 elections. About thirty percent (30%) of the people in the Barangka District receive money or gifts given by the candidates. This percentage is very high considering that the people in Barangka District are traditional voters who have not been much influenced by technological and information advances. Money politics typically focuses on voter groups in the 25-30 age range and acts as a success team to distribute money from candidates to the public.
POLITIK TUTUP JALAN La Ode Efrianto; Ramalan La Ode; Laode Harjudin; Dasmin; Lusianai Wa Ode
Journal Publicuho Vol. 7 No. 2 (2024): May - July - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v7i2.440

Abstract

This paper describes the background of the resistance carried out by the people in three villages (Laiba, Laimpi and Wakumoro) as a form of unrest that they experienced as a result of the damage to the cross-provincial roads that had not been repaired for years by the Southeast Sulawesi provincial government. What is also interesting is that many resistance movements were pioneered by groups of mothers and resistance movements that were formed purely from the community groups themselves without depending on certain mass organizations. Using qualitative descriptive research methods. Data collection techniques through in-depth interviews and documentation studies. Interactive data analysis technique according to Milles Humerman and Saldana (2014). Community resistance against the government uses two methods of resistance, namely open reciprocity and closed resistance (James C. Scott, 2000). First, open resistance in the form of demonstrations, media hammering movements, and ina-ina resistance. Second, closed resistance is in the form of discussion of closed meetings, mass mobilization, strengthening the ideology of the movement and equalizing the vision of resistance. This research found that resistance that emerged organically then developed into a consistent resistance carried out by 3 villages (Laimpi, Laiba and Wakumoro Villages), so as to achieve the desired goals. Namely, the budgeted repair of the road.
PEREMPUAN DAN KETIDAKADILAN GENDER (Studi Kasus Bentuk-Bentuk Ketidakadilan Gender di Kota Kendari Tahun 2024) Iriyani Astuti Arief; Indra Lestari; Muh.Ishak Syahadat; La Ode Efrianto
Journal Publicuho Vol. 7 No. 4 (2024): November - January - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v7i4.575

Abstract

The purpose of this research is to identify and examine gender inequality as a manifestation of gender differences in Kendari City in 2024. It will examine the forms of gender inequality that women in Kendari City face using the gender concept. The research method used is mixed methods, which combine qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. Data collection techniques using questionnaires distributed via Google form, literature study, and documentation. The three steps of the analysis technique are data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. The research indicates that there are five forms of gender inequality in Kendari City, namely: Marginalization, Subordination, Stereotypes, Violence and Workload. Stereotypes, Marginalization, and Subordination are less dominant than the most dominant form of violence that women in Kendari City face. Based on data from the Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection Service, there were 26 cases of violence against women that occurred in the workplace, public spaces, and at home. The workload was found to be 44.4%, especially for women who act as both breadwinners and housewives. In conclusion, workload and violence are the most prevalent forms of gender inequality in Kendari City. Poor economic conditions are the primary factor of this violence and workload.
POLITIK PORK BARREL: BANTUAN SOSIAL (BANSOS) JOKOWI MENJELANG PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN 2024 Muhammad Ishak Syahadat; Iriyani Astuti Arief; La Ode Efrianto
Journal Publicuho Vol. 7 No. 4 (2024): November - January - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v7i4.621

Abstract

This study explores the phenomenon of pork barrel politics in the context of social assistance (bansos) distribution ahead of Indonesia's 2024 Presidential and Vice-Presidential Election. The primary focus is on how President Joko Widodo leveraged social assistance as a political tool to boost the electability of his endorsed candidates, Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka. Using a distributive politics framework and pork barrel theory, this research analyzes the patterns of social assistance distribution in regions with high voter registration, such as Central Java, East Java, and West Java. The findings indicate a discriminatory strategy in the allocation of social assistance to support specific candidates, achieved through the strategic deployment of government funds. This study contributes to the understanding of distributive politics practices in the context of Indonesian electoral politics, with implications for transparency and accountability in the management of public budgets.
BUDAYA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK EKSEKUTIF DAN LEGISLATIF DI KABUPATEN KONAWE SELATAN Dasmin; Asriani; La Ode Efrianto
Journal Publicuho Vol. 8 No. 1 (2025): February - April - Journal Publicuho
Publisher : Halu Oleo University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/publicuho.v8i1.684

Abstract

This research explores how individual entrepreneurs' personalities can be mapped. This study focuses on the culture and political communication of the legislative and executive in realising good governance in South Konawe Regency. The purpose of this study is to describe and analyse the culture of executive and legislative communication in realising good governance in South Konawe Regency. This study uses a qualitative approach by articulating the theory and concept of political communication that is oriented towards transactional communication between the legislative and executive. So, with this perspective, it is important to see how the communication culture occurs between the two regional institutions by using the political communication theory of McNair (2018). The results of the study reveal that the communication culture that exists between the executive and legislative is political communication that upholds family values.
Co-Authors Amos Amos Asriani Azwar Wijaya Syam Dasmin Dasmin Harjudin, La Ode Indra Lestari Iriyani Astuti Arief La Ode Ramalan Lusianai Wa Ode Muh.Ishak Syahadat Muhammad Ishak Syahadat Ramalan La Ode Wa Ode Lusianai