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Islam and Minorities: Managing Identity in Malaysia Suaedy, Ahmad
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.481.1-44

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysiaâs 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the Peopleâs Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition isÂ due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. TheyÂ propose a move from âBumiputera Supremacyâ, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of âBumiputeraâ Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to âThe Peopleâs Supremacyâ, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, forÂ instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihoodÂ of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between theÂ 2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) asÂ Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarilyÂ representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity orÂ multiculturalism within the process of globalization.

Islam and Minorities: Managing Identity in Malaysia Suaedy, Ahmad
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.481.1-44

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysiaâs 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the Peopleâs Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition isÂ due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. TheyÂ propose a move from âBumiputera Supremacyâ, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of âBumiputeraâ Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to âThe Peopleâs Supremacyâ, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, forÂ instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihoodÂ of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between theÂ 2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) asÂ Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarilyÂ representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity orÂ multiculturalism within the process of globalization.

GERAKAN MUSLIM PROGRESIF PASCA REJIM SUHARTO DI INDONESIA Ahmad Suaedy
TOLERANSI: Media Ilmiah Komunikasi Umat Beragama Vol 10, No 2 (2018): Juli - Desember
Publisher : Lembaga penelitian dan pengabdian kepada masyrakat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24014/trs.v10i2.7081

Di luar tumbuhnya berbagai gerakan Islam radikal dan fundamentalis paska tumbangnya Orde Baru, muncul pula gerakan Muslim progresif. Sebuah gerakan yang mengusung berbagai isu substansial untuk demokrasasi seperti pluralisme dan toleransi, hak-hak perempuan dalam Islam dan keadilan, atau hak-hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. Sebagian mereka tumbuh berkat keterbukaan politik di era reformasi, tetapi sebagian lainnya merupakan penjelmaan dari gerakan underground di era orde baru yang mengusung demokratisasi dengan titik masuk Islam. Kini mereka trerbangun jaringan kerja baik dalam level isu untuk mempertajam dan menggugat konsep-konsep konvesional tentang Islam mengiringi perubahan sosial politik, maupun dalam prkatik politik itu sendiri untuk menjaga sustainabilitas demokrasi. Bagaimanakah jaringan itu terbangun, bagaimana cara kerja mereka, isu apa saja yang mereka usung dan apa kelebihan dan kekuranagnnya, serta bagaimana prospek gerakan ini? Itulah beberapa masalah pokok yang hendak disajikan dalam presentasi ini

Islam and Minorities: Managing Identity in Malaysia Ahmad Suaedy
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.481.1-44

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the People’s Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition is due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. They propose a move from “Bumiputera Supremacy”, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of “Bumiputera” Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to “The People’s Supremacy”, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, for instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihood of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between the 2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarily representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity or multiculturalism within the process of globalization.

The Muslim Minority Movement in Southmost Thailand: From Periphery to the Centre Ahmad Suaedy
Studia Islamika Vol 17, No 1 (2010): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v17i1.467

This article, which focuses on observing individual and group actors in the social movement in South Thailand in a way that does not neglect the important contributions made by political actors as well as. By the insurgency and separatist movement, contends that insurgency, separatism, and violence are no longer the typical choice for those who strive for fundamental human rights in the Thai nation-state. Unfortunately, however, the central government of the Thai Kingdom has not been very responsive nor has it taken these demands seriously. It has shown a lack of political will in granting these actors more extensive rights as demanded on a global scale by recent developments in human rights and the rethinking of the concept of nationalism and national identity.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v17i1.467

Citizenship Challenges in Myanmar’s Democratic Transition: Case Study of the Rohingya-Muslim Ahmad Suaedy; Muhammad Hafiz
Studia Islamika Vol 22, No 1 (2015): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v1i1.1387

As a part of the Myanmar transition to democracy, which began after the election in 2010, the census on March-April 2014 refused to count the Rohingya ethnic group. This was symbolic of the Myanmar government’s rejection of Rohingya people as citizens. The paradox is that democracy necessitates a guarantee of fundamental freedoms and recognition of all group identities. Through in depth interviews with a number of Rohingya political and social leaders at the end of March 2014, in Yangon, this research details the Rohingya struggle to secure their rights in the political process. A number of documents both from the Rohingya and from the Myanmar government justify why and how the process of exclusion and discrimination occurs. This research will conclude with a discussion of the challenges and recommended steps for the future to accommodate the Rohingya as Myanmar citizens, and of the need for international and regional support.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v22i1.1387

Islam, Identitas dan Minoritas di Asia Tenggara Ahmad Suaedy
Jurnal Kajian Wilayah Vol 1, No 2 (2010): Jurnal Kajian Wilayah
Publisher : Research Center for Regional Resources-Indonesian Institute of Sciences (P2SDR-LIPI)

Globalization has encouraged the emergence of a challenge to respect minority rights are stronger in almost all countries are plural. The appearance was not only urged the governments in many countries to change their vision of nationalism, it even challenged the great narratives such as Islam, democracy and human rights to change the doctrine of justice that are not conventional. For that Islam, democracy and human rights alike are facing a change that can no longer be seen with the measures and standardization of the old uniform. This paper raised the challenge of empirical findings in Southeast Asia by taking samples of Malaysia, Thailand, and Philippines.

Pengantar Nomor Perdana Nahdlatul Islam Nusantara Ahmad Suaedy
ISLAM NUSANTARA:Journal for the Study of Islamic History and Culture Vol 1 No 1 (2020): Islam Nusantara Journal for Study of Islamic History and Culture
Publisher : Faculty of Islam Nusantara University of Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia (UNUSIA) Jakarta.

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47776/islamnusantara.v1i1.42

ISLAM NUSANTARA: Journal for Study of History and Culture dimaksudkan sebagai wadah untuk membangun pengetahuan atau keilmuan tentang Islam Nusantara. Sejak diangkat menjadi tema Muktamar Nahdlatul Ulama XXXIII tahun 2015 di Jombang, Jawa Timur kata majemuk Islam Nusantara memang memperoleh gaung dan perhatian publik yang besar bahkan pada level dunia. Namun hal itu sebagian diperdebatkan pada dataran artifisial dan bahkan politis sehingga belum muncul adanya argumentasi historis dan epistemologis yang memadai dan kuat. Ada sejumlah institusi yang telah mendorong dan membahas tentang ini cukup serius seperti dua kali seminar internasional PCI NU Belanda dan juga beberapa penerbitan termasuk jurnal di beberapa perguruan tinggi. Fakultas Islam Nusantara Universitas Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia melalui jurnal ini hendak melengkapi ikhtiar tersebut dalam rangka memperkuat bangunan argumentasi Islam Nusantara sebagai kajian ilmiah. Islam Nusantara tidak dimaksudkan untuk membangun tembok identitas melainkan sebaliknya untuk mencairkannya namun dengan argumentasi keagamaan kultural historis dan epistemologis yang memadai. Edisi perdana jurnal ini dipakai sebagai momentum mengawali pencarian landasan keilmuan tersebut secara berkelanjutan.

Rempah dan Kosmopolitanisme Islam : Koneksi Spiritual-Intelektual Palembang, Banten dan Demak dibalik Perdagangan Global Abad XV – XVI Johan Wahyudi; Ahmad Suaedy
ISLAM NUSANTARA:Journal for the Study of Islamic History and Culture Vol 3 No 1 (2022): Islam Nusantara Journal for the Study of Islamic History and Culture
Publisher : Faculty of Islam Nusantara University of Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia (UNUSIA) Jakarta.

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47776/islamnusantara.v3i1.283

Nusantara is known as the world's main supplier of spices since classical times. Various spices such as pepper, nutmeg and cloves are excellent in the international market. Studies on Indonesian spices, as conducted by Wellan, OW Wolters, J.C. Van Leur, Chalwani Michrob to Fahmi Irfani show a map of the important pepper trade in Sumatra and Java. It should be noted that the spice trade network is also related to the spiritual contact between Islam and Hindu-Buddhist teachings or local beliefs. This can be seen traces in Palembang, Banten and Demak. By using the historical method armed with a socio-economic approach, a number of historical explanations can be found. The author uses an explanation model by looking at the function of the port on the coast, its relation to trade routes in the interior. The purpose of writing this article is to present a new studyfor the historical discourse of Islam Nusantara. As is well known, seas, lakes, rivers and various watery inlets, both dynamic and static, are not a barrier to human interaction in the archipelago. In addition to the commercial aspect, which has been widely reviewed by a number of previous researchers, there is other information that has not been discussed, namely the existence of a spiritual-intellectual network that is connected between one area and another. The author finds a number of interesting facts, such as the emergence of the discourse of Islamic cosmopolitanism which is the result of a dialogue between immigrant and coastal communities. For example, in the case of the establishment of the Palembang Sultanate, Ki Gede ing Suro, a political figure from Demak, built a mosque near the Kutogawang Palace as a locus of Islamic education for the local population. There are findings in the form of the distribution of Ilmu Kebal (similar to Ilmu Pancasona) which was inherited by Arya Penangsang from Jipang Panolan, Central Java, to his descendants who are believed to still exist in the Mount Batu, Komering. This cross-island relationship isan important finding that confirms that in the XV-XVI centuries, cross-island intellectual spiritual contacts have been found in the archipelago. This article is the result of research on cities and intellectual networks in Palembang, Banten and Palembang funded by the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia.

PERGULATAN MINORITAS DALAM NEGARA HEGEMONIC: STUDI KASUS MUSLIM BANGSAMORO DI MINDANAO, FILIPINA SELATAN AHMAD SUAEDY
Jurnal Dialog Vol 34 No 1 (2011): JURNAL DIALOG
Publisher : Sekretariat Badan Litbang dan Diklat Kementerian Agama RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47655/dialog.v34i1.152

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole.

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