Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik
Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik is a peer-reviewed journal published by Indonesian Political Science Association (AIPI) and collaboration with the Laboratory Department of Political Science based in Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU). This journal published two times a year in january and july and all papers written in English or Bahasa .The aims of this journal is to provide a venue for academicians, researchers and practitioners for publishing the original research articles or review articles. Politeia is available in print and online version. ISSN number of this journal is ISSN 0216-9290 (Printed) and ISSN 2549-175X (Online).
The scope of the articles published in this journal deal with a broad range of topics in the fields of power, politics, election, conflict, policy, thought, democracy, and another section related contemporary issues in political science.
Articles
180 Documents
<![CDATA[Mencermati Populisme Prabowo Sebagai Bentuk Gaya Diskursif Saat Kampanye Politik Pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ritonga, Alwi Dahlan]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 1 (2020): Politeia : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i1.3170
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang penggunaan populisme sebagai gaya diskursif salah satu calon presiden pada Pemilu 2019 di Indonesia yaitu Prabowo Subianto. Fenomena global yang menunjukkan munculnya kemenangan pemimpin-pemimpin populis di hampir seluruh dunia ternyata membuat Prabowo juga tertarik untuk memainkan gaya kepemimpinan populis untuk meraup simpati masyarakat. Prabowo memainkan isu populis ketika melakukan kampanye politik sebagai gaya diskursif. Retorika yang dilakukan oleh Prabowo ketika berkampanye sangat sarat dengan isu-isu populistik. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa Prabowo Subianto menggunakan isu populisme sebagai gaya diskurif ketika berkampanye pada saat pemilu. Peneliti akan melakukan analisis dengan mengacu pada teori Cas Mudde (2007) yang mengemukakan karakteristik dari populisme terwujud dalam tiga ciri yaitu anti – kemapanan (anti-establishment) atau anti elit, otoriterisme, dan nativisme. Objek penelitian ini akan terfokus pada Prabowo sebagai aktor politik yang sedang memainkan isu populisme sebagai gaya diskursif dengan mencermati konten-konten yang ia sampaikan ketika berkampanye. Teknik pengumpulan data akan menggunakan data-data sekunder berupa surat kabar, media cetak maupun kanal berita elektronik serta bahan lain yang mendukung penelitian. Data-data tersebut akan dianalisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-kualitatif.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Dampak Kegagalan Kudeta Militer Turki Tahun 2016 Terdahap Politik di Turki ]]>
<![CDATA[Sri, Kurniasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Arifin, Adil]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 1 (2020): Politeia : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i1.3270
<![CDATA[Pada 15 Juli 2016, terjadi sebuah peristiwa Kudeta Militer di Turki untuk menggulingkan pemerintahan Presiden Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Walaupun kudeta tersebut gagal, tentu bukan suatu keuntungan bagi Turki, yang mana pemerintah tengah berupaya meningkatkan kestabilan politik, ekonomi dan sosial di Turki. Tulisan ini mengkaji bagaimana dampak kudeta militer Turki tahun 2016 terhadap politik Turki dengan memusatkan kajian dampaknya terhadap politik domestik di Turki. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Hasil analisis tulisan ini mendeskripsikan bahwa kudeta tersebut memberikan dampak pada: Pertama, hubungan Pemerintah dengan partai-partai oposisi. Kedua, budaya politik demokratis Turki. Ketiga, kebijakan politik dalam negeri dan Keempat, birokrasi militer]]>
<![CDATA[analisis Konflik dan Resolusi (Studi Kasus : Rekrutmen Perangkat Desa di Kabupaten Demak Tahun 2017-2018) ]]>
<![CDATA[bahri, Saipul]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 1 (2020): Politeia : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i1.3301
<![CDATA[Studi ini adalah studi tentang resolusi konflik yang terjadi pada proses rekrutmen Perangkat Desa di Kabupaten Demak dengan rentang waktu Tahun 2017-2018. Fokusnya membahas tentang bagaimana politik hukum dan implementasi kebijakan rekrutmen perangkat desa di Kabupaten Demak, kemudian pada tataran konfliknya (sumber, manivestasi, dan durasi) Rekrutmen Perangkat Desa di Kabupaten Demak, serta Resolusi konflik yang sesuai terhadap persoalan yang dimunculkan dalam studi kasus ini. Temuan studi ini antara lain terdapat upaya penyalahgunaan wewenang pada saat perumusan dan implementasi kebijakan rekrutmen perangkat desa. Kemudian pada taran konflik pasca analisis muncul jika sebabnya karena penghilangan pasal dalam perda, dalam hal manivestasi muncul berbagai demonstrasi dan gugatan di PTUN terkait seleksi perangkat desa. Resolusi yang digunakan yang sesuai adalah 6 metode, seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Forsyth. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah mixed method dengan kualitatif lebih dominan.]]>
<![CDATA[From Electocracy to Democracy: Coalition, Cohesion, and Function ]]>
<![CDATA[Talib, Kartini]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 1 (2020): Politeia : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i1.3302
<![CDATA[Generally, democracy composes the elements of election, rights and liberty, middle class, and the rules of law to govern the state and people. Malaysia had limited experience of a democracy that was absent from the elements above. It had its first election during the colonial era that dictates the function of an election. Later, the election becomes routine every five years that makes it an electocracy or a political culture lacks political literacy. The post-independence context of a strong leader and a dominant party alliance to rule the state and society resulted in making political analysts criticizing Malaysia as a state of the quasi, semi, and syncretic democracy. The recent power transition with no record of violence in Fourteen General Election (2018) proves that the previous label of democracy in Malaysia is obsolete. Therefore, the analysis tool of assessing Malaysian politics is still dormant with the Western perspective of the two-party system, the end of racial politics hence assuming the beginning of an ideology-based party and the belief that the new Malaysia will fit in the western mold of democracy. The robust information technology via social media harvesting new challenges for democracy in Malaysia. It cannot escape the spread of fake news or disinformation to influence voters. The game of fake news has put Malaysia as a state of electocracy full of unskilled politicians to govern the multiethnic nation.]]>
<![CDATA[Menggugat Hegemoni Demokrasi: Disciplinary Power Demokrasi di Negara Dunia Ketiga: Disciplinary Power, Democracy, Third World, Developing Countries ]]>
<![CDATA[Bagus Riadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2020): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3695
<![CDATA[The emergence of the terms Third World, Developing Countries, and North-South seemed to be a concept to separate the good country and the bad country. The term is consumed by the Third World community and awakens to the body that we live in a country where conditions are not supposed to be this way. Disclosure of information and communication through globalization makes the Third World begin to recognize democracy. The poor Third World state economic conditions, the end of the Cold War, and the collapse of the Berlin Wall became a series of events that made democracy legitimate as a truth. So as to create a pro-democracy group in the Third World that forces the state to implement democracy. Coupled with the presence of democratic indicators to assess democratic and undemocratic countries, making Third World countries vying to take the indicator to become the most democratic country. This shows that democracy is already believed to be a truth regime. Democracy in the Third World is followed by capitalism which ultimately exacerbates conditions in Third World countries, so that Third World coutries are caught in global capitalism. Using the concept of Michel Foucault, the hegemony of democracy will be described as a discourse that creates disciplinary power for Third World societies to be able to accept democracy and believe in democracy as a truth.]]>
<![CDATA[Rationality and Public Policy: Studi Kasus: Absennya Kebijakan Berperspektif Gender dalam Menangani Kebakaran Lahan Gambut Pada 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Shera]]>;
<![CDATA[Aldrin Pasha, Julian]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2020): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3864
<![CDATA[Indonesia is a country with vast forest and peatland areas. However, this is in line with the destruction of the forest and peatlands. Peatland fires in Indonesia are quite alarming, which have a wide impact on various aspects of life, including the environment, health, social and economy, the impacts of which are specifically experienced by women. Various policies have been taken by the government. However, in reality these policies are more likely to attempt to extinguish forest and peat fires, not yet answering thoroughly about the problems and impacts behind them experienced by women. This happens because there are problems in the step of formulating the problems of these policies, also the rationality used is not yet fully gender perspective.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions ]]>
<![CDATA[Helmiyana, Nurlaily]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2020): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918
<![CDATA[Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics. Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy]]>
<![CDATA[Menakar Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Kota Medan Terhadap Pemilihan Walikota Medan Tahun 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nasution, Faiz Albar]]>;
<![CDATA[Thamrin, Muhammad Husni]]>;
<![CDATA[Ritonga, Alwi Dahlan]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2020): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3955
<![CDATA[This study examines the political participation of the Medan City community to the Medan mayor elections. One indicator of the success of the elections, can be seen from the community participation in the exercise of the right of choice. However, voters ' participation in Medan city elections since reform to date, tends to have a low level of participation. The phenomenon, quite indicating that the community of the city of Medan has no orientation in using the right to select the regional head election. Therefore, the estimative participation of voters in the city elections in Medan year 2020 interesting to learn, to be a reference and reflection material in the press of the number of abstainers in Medan. This research is done by a qualitative method of descriptive. Data collection techniques using secondary data in the form of journals, documents, newspapers and primary data through in-depth interviews to the informant that originated from the agency of elections, political and social organisations. Data analysis using the Miles and Huberman techniques are: data reduction, data display and draw conclusions. The results of the study showed the community participation in Medan is dominated by participation in voting and total apathy. In addition, the factors that determine the level of participation in the upcoming elections 2020 are; Government, the party's role in political recruitment and the update of voters data.]]>
<![CDATA[CIVIL SOCIETY DAN STABILITAS SOSIAL: Strategi Forum Lintas Ormas (FLO) dalam Penyelesaian Kasus Pendirian Gereja Batak Karo Protestan (GBKP) di Tanjung Barat, Jakarta Selatan 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sabhana, Ana]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 12 No. 2 (2020): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v12i2.4183
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the problem of intolerance that still occurs in Indonesia, one of which is the rejection of the establishment of places of worship. The Karo Protestant Batak Church (GBKP) does not have a permit to build a house of worship, so the surrounding community rejects the building. This paper focus on the strategy undertaken by the Inter-Community Forum (FLO) in resolving the GBKP establishment case, as well as the obstacles that occurred in resolving the GBKP case in 2016 in Tanjung Barat, South Jakarta. This study uses qualitative research methods with analysis and in-depth understanding. Based on the results of the study, the Strategy of the Inter-Organization Forum (FLO) in resolving the Protestant Christian Batak Church (GBKP) case related to the establishment of houses of worship was successfully carried out, through a legal, public and also South Jakarta government approach. Conflicts between religious communities in the West Tanjung area can be avoided, although the Protestant Batak Church (GBKP) cannot establish a church in the region. However, the government has relocated the worship activities of the Protestant Christian Batak Church (GBKP) in the Balai Minggu Sports Hall (GOR) Pasar Rakyat.]]>
<![CDATA[Efektifitas Konten Iklan Viral Grace Natalie Di Youtube Dalam Meningkatkan Kesadaran Publik Pada Partai Solidaritas Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sahma Libriyanti, Nabila]]>;
<![CDATA[Wijayanti Sutjipto, Vera]]>
<![CDATA[ Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 1 (2021): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Talenta Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v13i1.3430
<![CDATA[Pada pemilu 2019, Partai Solidaritas Indonesia yang merupakan salah satu partai politik dengan ketua umum perempuan mencalonkan anggota-anggotanya ke pemilihan legislatif, Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana iklan Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI) memperoleh kesadaran publik dengan menggunakan analisis menggunakan empat dimensi yaitu empathy, persuation, impact, dan communication. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif dengan menyebarkan kuesioner sebagai data primer kepada 35 sampel yang dilakukan pada mahasiswa aktif Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi di Universitas Negeri Jakarta angkatan 2018. Hasil dari penelitian ini yaitu, iklan PSI berhasil mendapatkan empati audiens dengan menyampaikan pesan dalam iklan secara akrab dengan audiens yang target sasarannya merupakan generasi muda atau pemilih pemula, dan perempuan. Sehingga menciptakan kesadaran publik dan kesan yang ditampilkan dalam iklan juga bersifat kekinian sehingga sesuai dengan target sasarannya yang merupakan generasi muda. Tapi iklan PSI kurang dapat mengkomunikasikan kesan PSI sebagai partai politik yang tidak mengutamakan berkampanye dengan cara menyebarkan isu-isu politik yang belum pasti kebenarannya, apalagi menyebarkan hoaks.]]>
