Articles
<![CDATA[The Lack of Gender Mainstreaming on the Presidential Regulation No. 86/2018 on Agrarian Reform ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurdin, Iwan]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasha, Julian Aldrin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol 24, No 4 (2019): Rural Women's Agency ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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DOI: 10.34309/jp.v24i4.375
<![CDATA[The situation of agrarian injustice in the rural area carries multiple layers of burden on women. Such situation could be addressesd with the agrarian reform’s agenda. This is the reason why the society welcome the announcement of agrarian reform agenda as Joko Widodo administration’s priority program. After being in power for four years, finally the government had issued the Presidential Regulation No. 86 year of 2018 on Agrarian Reform. The enactment of this Agrarian Reform’s policy cannot be separated from the role of social movement organizations in urging for agrarian reform agenda, including in urging for an agrarian reform policy with gender justice perspective. This paper seeks to see how women’s movement and the agrarian reform movement have been trying to advocate gender perspective in the formulation and the implementation of the Presidential Regulation (Perpres).]]>
<![CDATA[Kepentingan Aktor : Korupsi Usulan Perubahan Peta Lahan Dalam Kebijakan Revisi Alih Fungsi Hutan Di Provinsi Riau Tahun 2014 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hazqon Fuadi Nasution]]>;
<![CDATA[Julian Aldrin Pasha]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Niara Vol. 14 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[FAKULTAS ILMU ADMINISTRASI UNIVERSITAS LANCANG KUNING ]]>
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DOI: 10.31849/niara.v14i1.5850
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan actor dalam fenomena korupsi pada kasus Annas Ma’amun selakueks Gubernur Riau terkait revisi alih fungsi hutan di Provinsi Riau. Beberapa studi menjelaskan korupsi politik sarat melibatkan kekuasaan sebagai bagian dari kunci strategi dan terdapat interaksi yang membangun pola hubungan dari kepentingan kolektif hingga intra-group masih melihat bahwa korupsi politik ini upaya secara sistemik untuk mendapatkan keuntungan materi yang berlebih maupun perlindungan bisnis tertentu. Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas sejauh mana interaksi tersebut memiliki kepentingan terselubung dan memberikan pengaruh sehingga terjadi tindakan korupsi. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif yaitu studi pustaka dan mengumpulkan data melalui wawancara mendalam. Peneliti berargumen bahwa opini yang dibangun seolah-olah masalah korupsi seringkali dianggap selesai jika seorang pelaku korupsi sudah ditangkap terutama yang berkuasa ikut terlibat. Penelitian ini sebagian besar merespon kebijakan revisi alih fungsi hutan yang kaitannya telah terjadi tindakan korupsi pada proses usulan perubahan peta kawasan hutanProvinsi Riau. Bahwa sebagian usulan perubahan peta lahan ini berkorelasi dengan kepentingan pembisnis besar terutama bisnis perkebunan kelapa sawit yang dominan di Provinsi riau. Revisi tersebut walaupun dasarnya membermandat demi kepentingan luas masyarakat Riau yang lahannya belum terakomodir tetapi menjadi celah penyelewangan oleh oknum pejabat dan segelitir actor berkepentingan. Temuannya, pertama korupsi yang ditopang oleh jaringan elit politik dan bisnis, kontestasi actor dalam perubahan kawasan hutan terkait rancangan rencana tata ruang wilayah (RT RW) Provinsi Riau dan kepentingan electoral yang berkelin dan dengan kepentingan penguasaan sumber daya alam (SDA).]]>
<![CDATA[Pajak Karbon dan Dilema Pembangunan Ekonomi Indonesia: Pembelajaran dari Negara Lain ]]>
<![CDATA[Syaikha Aulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Julian Aldrin Pasha]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Syntax Admiration Vol. 5 No. 7 (2024): Jurnal Syntax Admiration ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Syntax Corporation Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.46799/jsa.v5i6.1270
<![CDATA[Indonesia issued a regulation on carbon tax through article 13 of Law No. 7 on the Harmonization of Tax Regulations (HPP) in 2021 following the number of countries that have implemented carbon pricing mechanisms in facing the challenge of climate change. In addition to the policy formulation process full of pros and cons, the policy was actually postponed until 2015. Learning from the experience of other countries, the implementation of carbon taxes does not always succeed in reducing emissions or household budgets. The facts show that economic development and environmental control often do not occur at the same time. Additional rules, government commitment and cooperation from every relevant stakeholder are needed as well as supervision from the community in the implementation of article 13 of the HPP Law.]]>
<![CDATA[SINO-US COMPETITION DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE AND FREE AND OPEN INDO-PACIFIC ]]>
<![CDATA[Falevi, Muhammad Reza]]>;
<![CDATA[Julian Aldrin Pasha]]>
<![CDATA[ Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol. 9 No. 3 (2024): General Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v9i3.5385
<![CDATA[This study examines the competitive dynamics in Southeast Asia under the frameworks of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), two key strategies reshaping the region’s geopolitical and economic landscape. Using a qualitative approach supported by extensive literature review, the research applies Kenneth Waltz's Power Balance Theory to analyze this rivalry. The BRI has accelerated infrastructure development and regional connectivity, strengthening economic ties between China and Southeast Asian nations. However, it raises concerns over economic dependence and the potential for China to exert undue political influence. On the other hand, the FOIP seeks to counterbalance China’s influence by enhancing alliances and security partnerships led by the United States and its allies. This rivalry creates a complex scenario for Southeast Asian countries, requiring them to navigate economic opportunities while addressing geopolitical risks. The study highlights how these initiatives influence foreign policy strategies across the region and their broader implications for stability and security. By exploring the interplay of economic and strategic factors, the research deepens understanding of Southeast Asia’s evolving power dynamics and provides insights into managing the challenges posed by these competing frameworks. This analysis enriches the discourse on the region’s critical role in a contested global order.]]>
<![CDATA[Free school meals policy: how are they governed? comparing India, the USA, Japan, and South Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Aldrin Pasha, Julian]]>;
<![CDATA[Mauludi, Teuku Harza]]>;
<![CDATA[Imam, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhyidin, Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 15, No 1 (2025): (April 2025) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v15i1.16298
<![CDATA[Free school meals policy have been implemented globally as a mechanism to promote academic and nutritional equity. This study critically examines the management and challenges of free meal programs in four major countries: India, the USA, Japan, and South Korea. Through a comparative analysis, this article evaluates the governance structures of the programs. The study identifies a range of challenges faced by each country, including logistical complexities, socio-cultural barriers, and economic constraints. Despite their differences, the findings emphasize the importance of strong governance networks, sustained collaboration among key stakeholders—such as government agencies, educational institutions, and local communities—and context-specific policy adaptations. These elements are essential for overcoming challenges and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of free school meal policy initiatives. While addressing the primary objectives of health and education, these programs can contribute to broader social benefits.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementation of Cyber Policy in Indonesia: Study of Data Hacking Control by BSSN, Dittipidsiber, and the Ministry of Communication and Information at BPJS Health in 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Alevrido, Rayhan]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasha, Julian Aldrin]]>
<![CDATA[ JISIP: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Vol 9, No 3 (2025): JISIP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan) (Juli) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan (LPP) Mandala ]]>
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DOI: 10.58258/jisip.v9i3.8709
<![CDATA[The BPJS Kesehatan data hack in 2021 shows important issues in the implementation of cybersecurity policies in Indonesia, especially regarding how effective coordination between institutions is. This study investigates how the response to the incident was affected by the lack of synchronization between the National Cyber and Crypto Agency (BSSN), the Directorate of Cyber Crime (Dittipidsiber) of the National Police Criminal Investigation Unit, and the Ministry of Communication and Informatics (Kominfo). This study uses a qualitative approach with a case study research type. The results of this study found that the process of mitigating data leaks became more difficult due to fragmentation of tasks, overlapping authorities, and the absence of an integrated crisis response protocol, although each institution has specific tasks, the lack of coordination led to slow and inefficient responses. In addition, systemic vulnerabilities increased because sectoral policies were not in line with national strategies.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Kampanye Eko Hendro Purnomo di Media Sosial Instagram dalam Kemenangan Pemilihan Legislatif 2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Renyu, Andre Fransisco]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasha, Julian Aldrin]]>
<![CDATA[ Innovative: Journal Of Social Science Research Vol. 5 No. 4 (2025): Innovative: Journal Of Social Science Research ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pahlawan Tuanku Tambusai ]]>
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DOI: 10.31004/innovative.v5i4.19133
<![CDATA[Legislative elections have become an activity that is always held every five years, especially in Indonesia. With so many candidates for legislative members competing with each other, of course the people's choice is someone who is able to communicate himself well. So, they have more fame and power than other prospective members. However, with the existence of KPU Regulation No. 15 of 2018 concerning restrictions on campaign props, many legislative candidate members use alternative methods in campaigning. In this study, we will write about the influence of Political Communication using Social Media, especially Instagram as one of Eko Hendro Purnomo's campaign strategies in winning the 2024 Legislative Election. By explaining the concept of messages via Social Media, this article concludes that the success of a political campaign requires planning. and forming a suitable team to maximize the campaign strategy.]]>
<![CDATA[Free school meals policy: how are they governed? comparing India, the USA, Japan, and South Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Aldrin Pasha, Julian]]>;
<![CDATA[Mauludi, Teuku Harza]]>;
<![CDATA[Imam, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhyidin, Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol. 15 No. 1 (2025): (April 2025) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v15i1.16298
<![CDATA[Free school meals policy have been implemented globally as a mechanism to promote academic and nutritional equity. This study critically examines the management and challenges of free meal programs in four major countries: India, the USA, Japan, and South Korea. Through a comparative analysis, this article evaluates the governance structures of the programs. The study identifies a range of challenges faced by each country, including logistical complexities, socio-cultural barriers, and economic constraints. Despite their differences, the findings emphasize the importance of strong governance networks, sustained collaboration among key stakeholders—such as government agencies, educational institutions, and local communities—and context-specific policy adaptations. These elements are essential for overcoming challenges and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of free school meal policy initiatives. While addressing the primary objectives of health and education, these programs can contribute to broader social benefits.]]>
<![CDATA[Konflik Faksionalisasi Partai Demokrat Dalam Kongres Luar Biasa Deli Serdang 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Emirdhani Utama, Rizky]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasha Rasjid , Julian Aldrin]]>
<![CDATA[ Action Research Literate Vol. 8 No. 6 (2024): Action Research Literate ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Ridwan Institute ]]>
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DOI: 10.46799/arl.v8i6.389
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini membahas Konflik Faksionalisasi di tubuh Partai Demokrat dalam dinamikanya yang terjadi saat Kongres Luar Biasa yang diselenggarakan di Deli Serdang Sumatera Utara tahun 2021. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis dan memahami dinamika konflik faksionalisasi yang terjadi di Partai Demokrat selama Kongres Luar Biasa (KLB) Deli Serdang 2021. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif untuk mengkaji masalah serta sebagai alat bantu dalam menjawab pertanyaan penilitian. Hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan memberikan hasil bahwa hadirnya tokoh eksternal Partai Demokrat yaitu Bapak Jenderal TNI (purn) Moeldoko dalam Kongres Luar Biasa Deli Serdang 2021 sebagai bentuk langkah reformasi para deklarator KLB atas arah Partai Demokrat yang sudah tidak lagi berjalan sebagaimana cita-cita para pendirinya. Perubahan kitab organisasi yang signifikan dalam Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga (ADART) Partai Demokrat menjadi faktor utama yang mendorong terjadinya Kongres Luar Biasa Partai Demokrat Deli Serdang 2021. Indikasi atas upaya Dewan Pimpinan Pusat (DPP) Partai Demokrat menjadikan Partai Demokrat menjadi Partai keluarga dapat dilihat dari perubahan ADART yang membentuk dan membahas secara khusus yaitu Majelis Tinggi Partai dalam postur struktural organisasi Partai Demokrat. Kendati demikian, tudingan atas hadirnya sosok Bapak Jenderal TNI (purn) Moeldoko sebagai bentuk dari intervensi pemerintah dipatahkan dalam lembar pembahasan penelitian. Penelitian ini atas kedua teori tersebut meninjau aspek faksionalisasi berdasarkan kepentingan serta fenomena perubahan Partai Politik yang terjadi melalui aspek dinamika yang terjadi disebabkan oleh faktor internal.]]>
<![CDATA[Institusionalisasi Partai Politik: Studi Kasus Partai Demokrat di Era Kepemimpinan Agus Harimurti Yudhyono Periode 2020-2022 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasibuan, Arif Darmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasha Rasjid, Julian Aldrin]]>
<![CDATA[ JISIP: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Vol 8, No 1 (2024): JISIP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan) (Januari) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan (LPP) Mandala ]]>
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DOI: 10.58258/jisip.v8i1.6026
<![CDATA[This research discusses the institutionalization of the Democratic Party in the leadership era of Agus Harimurti Yudhyono (AHY) for the 2020-2022 period. The research results show that the Democratic Party in the era of AHY's leadership for the 2020-2022 period has made various efforts to realize ideal party institutional strengthening. However, the identification of the Democratic Party as a Family Party with the placement of Susilo Bambang Yudhyono (SBY) as Chair of the Party High Council and Edi Baskoro Yudhyono (Ibas) as Chair of the Party Fraction in the structure of the Democratic Party's Central Leadership Council (DPP) for the 2020-2025 period is a challenge in itself. the process of strengthening the party's institutions. Nevertheless, the results of this research show that the Democratic Party in the era of AHY's leadership for the 2020-2022 period has a relatively strong level of institutionalization. This shows that, even though the Democratic Party is identified as the Family Party, the influence of the family party factor does not have a significant impact on the institutional weakening of the Democratic Party in the era of AHY's leadership for the 2020-2022 period. This research uses Randall and Svasand's theory of political party institutionalization through internal aspects viewed from the systemic dimension and external aspects viewed from the public image dimension. Meanwhile, to identify the Democratic Party as a Family Party, the theory and concept of the Family Party from Peter Mair and Case Mudde is used through the dimensions of the party's origins and ideology.]]>
