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Saudi Vision 2030 and the Challenge of Competitive Identity Transformation in Saudi Arabia
Leni Winarni;
Aberrant Pratama Yoga Nur Permana
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14579
Saudi Arabia’s founders inherited a legacy of oil wealth and conservative Islamic ideas in the Islamic world. Conversely, the crown prince seemed uninterested in preserving the heritage and attempted to change the tradition. Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, wishes to transform the state’s conservative identity into a more moderate one. A main reason for the transformation is that Saudi can compete with other countries globally in developing various sectors. The crown prince initiated Saudi Vision 2030, a policy to establish a competitive identity and transform Saudi image globally, but that is not easy for Saudi, which is the heartland of religious conservatism and is likely to resist adopting transformation. Based on the statement above, this research explains how the crown prince tried to transform Saudi Arabia’s identity and build a different reputation through Saudi Vision 2030 became a contradiction in the Saudi government and society. The transformation and reconstruction of nation branding through Saudi Vision that promotes openness probably could eliminate the image of Saudi identity as a devout Islamic conservative. At the same time, this effort is a way to survive as a global economic actor without depending on the non-renewable energy sector. Finally, this paper found that norms, social and political culture, Saudi Arabia’s reputation, and Salman’s image hinder the construction of that identity.
The Role of Indonesian’s Diaspora in Malaysia for Peace
Surwandono Surwandono;
Ariyanto Nugroho
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.13110
This article the potential of the Indonesian diaspora as an agent of peace in Malaysia. The Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia, for both Indonesia and Malaysia, is the largest diaspora in Malaysia. Sometimes, the large number of the diaspora in a country can cause problems of prejudice, and concerns that lead to security problems. But on the other hand, the size of the diaspora can also have the opportunity to be an integrative factor that can give birth to peace. Data on the dynamics of the Indonesian diaspora in Malaysia were obtained from primary sources, as well as focus group discussions, interviews, and official data from the government.This article finds that a large number of Indonesian diaspora and the establishment of mutualistic relationships at the government and government levels, as well as at the community and community level over a long period of time, contributes to the high role of the Indonesian diaspora in building social cohesion and peace in Malaysia.
The Power Relations between Mursyid and Murid: Study of the Tarekat of Qadiriyah Wa Naqsabandiyah in the Islamic Boarding School Darul 'Ulum, Jombang
Fatkhuri Fatkhuri
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14877
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid dalam Tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah pesantren Darul ‘Ulum Jombang. Menggunakaan metode kualitatif melalui studi literatur dan dokumen, penelitian ini menganalisis relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid berdasarkan teori kekuasaan Roberth A. Dahl (1957), yang mencakup dimensi basis kekuasaan, instrumen kekuasaan, respon dan peluang keterjangkauan kekuasaan untuk memengaruhi pengikut/murid. Hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa relasi kuasa Mursyid dan Murid dalam tarekat Tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah pesantren Darul ‘Ulum Jombang dilakukan melalui jalinan relasi mursyid dan murid dalam bentuk, pelaksanaan rutinitas ritual dizikir seninan dan kemisan yang menjadi aksi dan kesempatan bagi murid untuk berdo’a melalui perantara mursyid. Kewajiban murid untuk melakukan dzikir melalui perantara mursyid menjadi instrumen bekerjanya relasi kuasa antara mursyid dan murid yang berjalan secara efektif. Selanjutnya, rutinitas dizikir seninan dan kemisan menjadi sarana kekuasaan yang digunakan oleh mursyid untuk menyampaikan pesan-pesan moral dan spiritual yang wajib dilaksanakan murid. Harapan untuk memperoleh keselamatan mendorong seorang Murid untuk selalu memberikan kepatuhan dan kepasrahannya kepada Mursyid. Berikutnya adalah relasi kuasa terbentuk melalui respon murid untuk selalu mencari jalan keselamatan melalui perantara mursyid dan mematuhi apa yang diperintahkan atau dinasehatkan oleh mursyid, yang dalam studi ini dilakukan melalui tradisi sowan. Melalui sowan, seorang murid akan mendapatkan nasehat dan perintah dari mursyid terhadap berbagai masalah yang disampaikan murid. Terakhir adalah peluang keterjangkauan kekuasaan yang artinya pesan penting yang diberikan mursyid akan selalu dilaksanakan oleh murid sebab mursyid tidak sekadar tokoh sentral yang menduduki posisi teratas dalam struktur jam’iyah tarekat Qadiriyah Wan Naqsabandiyah, tetapi juga memiliki kelebihan membaca mata hati seorang murid di satu sisi dan murid berharap berkah dan pahala di sisi lain.
The Increasing Number of Female Troops in Indonesia’s Peacekeeping Operations: Why Women’s Presence Matters?
Nur Azizah;
Hadidah Sallimi;
Ainun Dwiyanti
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.13509
This study aims to shed some light on why Indonesia is committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. The analysis of this research used a framework theory of Stephen D. Krasner’s international regime (1980) and the concept of gender mainstreaming. This study analyzed secondary data with a qualitative method and literature research. UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security adopted in 2000 states that gender equality and the full participation of women as active agents in peace and security are necessary. It is driven by the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and girls, causing a state of insecurity. In this regard, Indonesia as an active member of the United Nations, is also committed to continuously increasing the participation of female personnel in these operations. The research findings revealed that the ratification of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 by Indonesia is the main reason why the Indonesian Government is fully committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Resolution 1325, as an international regime, encourages Indonesia to adopt the values of equality and gender mainstreaming, which has implications for the behavior and policies issued by the Indonesian Government, particularly in the UN Peacekeeping Operations. This research also discovered that the number of Indonesian female peacekeepers has been steadily increasing since 2008. Indonesian troops, especially female peacekeepers, have a successful record in peacekeeping missions, as they, along with male peacekeepers, were also awarded service medals for their participation in the MINUSCA operation in August 2021.
Covid-19 and Vote Buying in Direct Regional Head Elections
Mohammad Hidayaturrahman;
Sudarman Sudarman;
Ahmad Hasan Ubaid;
Elazhari Elazhari;
Aryo Wibisono;
Faqih Alfian
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14185
The current covid-19 pandemic has killed tens of millions people. One way to avoid covid-19 is to keep a distance from each other. At at the same time, Indonesia actually held direct regional head elections in 270 regions, which required voters to come and gather at the polling station (TPS). This research was conducted to analyze the relationship between covid-19 and vote buying with voters participation in direct regional head elections in Indonesia, which was held on December 9, 2020. For the research approach, mixed methods both quantitative and qualitative descriptive were used. The quantitative method was carried out by distributing questionnaires directly to 139 polling stations in Sumenep Regency, East Java, during the regional head election. While the qualitative method is carried out by observing directly the conditions at the polling station (TPS). In addition, in-depth interviews with the election committee and voters were also conducted. The results of the study found that voter participation was very high even though the regional head election was held during the covid-19 pandemic. This high participation was apparently correlated with the widespread practice of vote buying carried out by the winning team for the two pairs of regional head candidates.
Foreign Policy of Madagaskar under the Leadership of Andry Rajoelina: Analysis of Domestic Determinants
Krisna Silawa;
Achmed Sukendro;
Bayu Setiawan
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.14052
Madagascar is one of the countries with the best geographical location in Sub-African, facing not only the Indian Ocean but also the Mozambique Strait. With the limitations it faces, the foreign policy made by Madagascar’s leaders can be a good strategy in articulating the interests of this country. In an article belonging to Bojang A.S, one of the determinants of foreign policy-making is domestic. It will guide the authors in analyzing the domestic determinants of Madagascar in determining its policy under the leadership of Andry Rajoelina. This article was written using a secondary-qualitative method by collecting and analyzing secondary data from accredited books, scientific articles, and news. This study compared existing data with guidelines (Bojang A.S.) and analyzed how these determinants produce Madagascar’s foreign policy. In the end, this article describes eight domestic determinants influencing Madagascar’s foreign policy under Rajoelina’s leadership.
Assessing Policies, Practices and Impact of Actions and Policies in Handling Covid-19 Pandemic: Comparative Studies of Bangladesh and Indonesia
Sherajum Munira;
Sidik Jatmika
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.12742
This article aims to describe how Bangladesh and Indonesia face problems of good governance, especially aspect accountability, when conduct health diplomacy and communicatian in handle Covid-19 issues. This is qualitative research and constructivism approach, which using the content analysis method to find out such of Banglkdesh and Indonesian government statements, policy and action in handling Covid-19 pandemic crisis. The article found that Bangladesh and Indonesia governments face such of problems of health diplomacy and political communication with international communities; inter-governmental institution and citizens. These problems especially come from ‘low-level skill of health diplomacy and communication” in which central-government as prominent ccommunicator, express such as health message or policy in ‘uncredible’ ways of both governments. This situation has contributed to make policy to stop Covid-19 to be more complicated. By using content analysis, the article found that both of Bangldesh Indonesian developed in a “un- smart”, “un-systematic”, “un-objective”, and “un- visionary” way in handle diplomacy and communication in global health crisis. It shows how important of good governance of health diplomacy and communication, including prepareness in health disasster mitigation in a country to handle such of effects of global health crisis.
Analysis of the Significant Increase of Gender-Based Violence During the Covid-19 Pandemic in the Conflict Zone: the Case of Afghanistan
Maretha Syawallin Umarach;
Derina Faslig Silitonga;
Humairah Muljabar
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.12695
Since it was recorded for the first time in Wuhan, China, at the end of 2019, the number of cases of coronavirus infections around the world has been increasing every day. WHO further declared COVID-19 a global pandemic. This pandemic certainly has direct implications for the country's condition, especially concerning issues of women and children. As one of the worst-performing countries in providing gender-based protection, Afghanistan has shown a significant increase in the number of gender-based physical, sexual, and psychological violence during the pandemic. By applying the structural violence and neopatriarchy approaches, this article conducted an in-depth analysis of the problem formulation of why Afghanistan experienced a significant increase in cases of gender-based violence (GBV) during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research results revealed that the patriarchal culture rooted in the constitution, competition in the legal system, and erosion in government institutions are some of the structural factors that have led to a significant increase in the number of gender-based violence in Afghanistan during the COVID-19 pandemic. The above factors have also caused several policies passed by the government during the pandemic that severely discriminated against women and children.
Analysis of the Importance of Inculcating Nationalism and Anti-racism Values on Multicultural Education for Generation Z in Indonesia
Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum;
Laura Adhisty;
Dhania Eka Putri;
Wirda Muzayyana
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.12675
This research aimed to analyze any approaches to prevent racism for the Indonesian Z generation. The youth generation must take attention to the issue of racism due to prevent the past experiences dealing with (1) the discrimination against the right of indigenous people and slavery in the era of Dutch colonialism; (2) the disharmony in the era of Old Order by the problem of Chinese and political participation, and (3) Papuanese propaganda as the instrument of external powers. By living in the digital era, the rapid access to information and economic transaction massively brought transnational ideas and values that challenge nationalism and nation-building. It used the interpretive method of research analysis. Data collecting used DOAJ by selected social sciences and political sciences categories to find the discourse of anti-racism among academicians. Data analysis was obtained from the literature review by mapping the case study and best practices for strengthening nationalism for Z generation. It was verified by the result of group discussion in SMA 1 Muhammadiyah Malang in 2019 and SMA Aisyiyah Boarding School Malang as the purposive sampling of Muslim teenagers. This research examines anti-racism rising after the internationalization of white supremacism in the 2016 U.S. administration. Racism as a transnational issue relates to the context of imperialism, islamophobia, and human right. Digital literacy by emphasizing multicultural education and nationalism is preferably based on a study in Indonesia. NU and Muhammadiyah support government policies as the two largest Muslim organizations in Indonesia.
Gus Dur and the Deliverance of Meutya Hafid and Budiyanto in 2005: the Role of Legitimacy Issues in Negotiating with Armed Group
Husni Mubarok;
Yandry Kurniawan
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.12787
This study aims to analyze the role of an individual actor in hostage negotiation using legitimacy issues and a deductive-qualitative research approach. These research methods are closely related to the interpretation of quality or narrative, which cannot be described with numbers or values. A deductive approach was taken to conclude the research data that the authors found through the data findings. In this case, a negotiator (mediator) for releasing a hostage is a communicator, and a capable communicator will send the message effectively and efficiently. A negotiator is also an analyst who must read the hostage situation and conditions, especially knowing the characteristics of the hostage-takers. Specifically, legitimacy is one of the factors that a hostage release negotiator must own. Communication skills can support this factor. To achieve this, a negotiator ultimately should have the skills of interpersonal communication and intercultural communication. Gus Dur’s legitimacy factor played an essential role in the diplomacy and negotiation process, especially in this hostage case. Therefore, this study explores why an individual actor successfully overcame this hostage crisis. The role of the former Indonesian President, K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), as a concrete example of the success of an individual actor in hostage negotiation, was determined by his legitimacy.