Andalas Journal of International Studies
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) is a journal published by Andalas Institute of International Studies (ASSIST) which contain research and analytical platform dedicated to a better understanding of International issues and aims to craft the alternatives in International Studies. AJIS focuses on publishing the original research articles related to International Studies, International Development, Internatinal Relations, Global Studies, Global political studies, Global Political Economy, diplomacy, global and local relations and others related topic to International Studies.
Articles
163 Documents
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Korea Selatan –Indonesia dalam Manajemen Bencana Alam (Rekontruksi Aceh Pasca Tsunami Samudera Hindia) ]]>
<![CDATA[Ady Muzwardi]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 5, No 2 (2016): ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 5 NO 2 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.5.2.178-193.2016
<![CDATA[Natural Distasters is a part of media diplomacy and cooperation between nations, strengthening disaster preparedness for effective response at all levels. In coping with disasters, national resources could be overwhelmed, especially in the event of large-scale disasters. In this respect, bilateral and regional cooperation is of particular importance, and this is part of the Korean Indonesian relations. The political dialogue also intends to foster closer cooperation on humanitarian and activities between the Indonesia and Korean. The tsunami in Aceh serves as an example of media diplomacy between the two nations as part of global cooperation. The development of political, social and culture cooperation through reconstruction efforts, programs and projects in Aceh has become a strength in the diplomatic relations between South Korea and Indonesia. This research aims to share knowledge and exchange best practices and to be able to work together in the event of major disasters. . Keywords:Natural Disasters, diplomacy, reconstruction.]]>
<![CDATA[RESOURCE AMASSEMENT AS A TOOL OF MAXIMIZING SEA POWER IN THE INDIAN OCEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramla Khan]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 1 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.1.62-74.2019
<![CDATA[ The paper discusses the fundamentals behind the Indian Ocean as the new pivotal of the twenty-first century cauldron, bearing high-yielding economic driving potential analyzed from the sparsely deliberated Classical Realist vistas of Morgenthau that form an intertwine between accumulation of resources and maximization of power. The aim of paper is to provide new dimensions to the IOR rivalry between the power-players whose preponderance remains vital to the control of the sea resources. The present geopolitical settings embedded in the virtues of multifaceted interdependence would not allow for war to be denominated as an appropriate strategy to win the concentrated control of sea wealth. Indian Ocean residues abundant possessions vibrant for the sustenance of human society, economic upheavals and for the purpose of modernizing military capabilities. The Blue Economy approach is subject of discussion in the study offers a way-out, stipulating joint development of resources as the rational approach which would foster cooperation, stability of the Sea-Lines of Communications and smooth running of the economic engines. The proposed approach would provide benefits extending to major littoral and regional states including India, China and Pakistan but also to the foreign stakeholders in the form of United States and Europe. Key words: Sea Power, Power Maximization, Resource Politics, Blue Economy]]>
<![CDATA[Ketahanan Energi Rusia dan Kerentanan Pasar Asia-Pasifik ]]>
<![CDATA[M Faris Alfadh]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 1 NO 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.1.2.123-136.2012
<![CDATA[This paper attempts to explain Russia’s energy security untill the next decade, and its impact on energy security of the Asia-Pacific region. As the world’s largest natural gas reserves and the second largest producer of crude oil, Russia is very important to the world energy markets. But for Russia, energy is not merely as a driving factor for its economic growth, but also as a political forse in its international relations. Russia’s ambitions are to become the world’s largest energy producer and the most influential to the world energy market. In this case, the Asia-Pacific region becomes important given the huge market potential. However, Russia’s energy security policy does not have entirely a positive impact on the stability of energy supply in the Asia-Pacific region. The market vulnerability and unfair competition among countries in the Asia-Pacific region will increase along with the Russia’s energy security policy.]]>
<![CDATA[Popular Nationalism Dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Tiongkok Terhadap Jepang Pada Sengketa Kepulauan Senkaku/Diaoyu ]]>
<![CDATA[Trio Sirmareza]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 3 NO 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.3.1.74-102.2014
<![CDATA[This paper discusses about Popular Nationalism within China’s Foreign Policy towards Japan in the Context of Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute. Taking Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands’ dispute as the case, it can be conceived that, from two-level game perspective, Chinese government ‘instrumentalizes’ popular nationalism for its foreign policy purposes, i.e. strengthening its international position on the dispute and giving pressure to Japanese government. Practically, while putting pressure to Japan, popular nationalist movement also puts pressure on Chinese government by criticizing the government over its weak foreign policy towards Japan, as well as demanding for Chinese democratization and political change. Chinese government responds this situation by ‘managing’ popular nationalism. The government applies two-sided policy. When popular nationalist movement is favorable for Chinese foreign policy, the government gives popular nationalist a large controlled access to express their anger towards Japan. However, if popular nationalist starts to criticize government, demand for democratization and political change, Chinese government then restricts the movement by using institutional, informational, and ideational resourcesas well as starting to ban any protest and demonstration. This strange policy performed by Chinese government is strategically able to gain domestic support for its foreign policy, and maintain domestic status quo simultaneously.]]>
<![CDATA[East China Sea Dispute: Paving Japan’s Way to be a Stronger Nations ]]>
<![CDATA[Shinta Puspitasari]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 4 NO 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.4.2.181-200.2015
<![CDATA[Dispute over East China Sea between two big countries in East Asia, namely China and Japan is not something new. This dispute existed since 1968 which based on historical and territorial issue. However, China and Japan dispute over this area is never been dangerous as it is now: they both use military. Both of them have tried to make an agreement over this issue; yet, it never succeeded. Thus, Japanese policymakers now think about their border. As a result, they change their defence policy to be more aggressive. This is to say, there is a change in Japan’s Self-Defence Force as well as Japan’s security policy. This move may seem as abandonement of Article 9 Showa Constitution that prohibit them to have military, and has been Japanese base in their defence policy. However, Japan Prime Minister think that this bold move is needed in addition to their stronger relationship with the US. Keywords: Japan, China, East China Sea dispute, defence policy]]>
<![CDATA[Crafting the Alternative of Finance Hegemony: Returning Gold Dinar Exchange Economy ]]>
<![CDATA[Poppy Irawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 1 No 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.1.1.36-54.2012
<![CDATA[The aim of this paper is to examine the contemporary issues of global political economy on the predominance of finance capital as the pivotal role in moulding the current global political economy architecture; its impact particularly to the developing states; and this paper also attempt to propose the alternative through the returning of gold monetary system based on the idea of gold dinar exchange economy.]]>
<![CDATA[Melihat Kembali Sekuritisasi Palestina-Israel ]]>
<![CDATA[Adi Mulia Pradana]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 2 NO 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.2.1.90-101.2013
<![CDATA[Invasi Israel ke Palestina pada November 2012 adalah pengulangan logika sekuritisasi dan logika kekerasan Israel dalam mempertegas dominasi Israel di Timur Tengah. Meski demikian, tindakan tersebut semakin mengucilkan Israel dalam pergaulan internasional. Bahwa Amerika Serikat masih tetap mendukung penuh tiap kebijakan Israel, tidak bisa disangkal. Tapi kini Israel tidak lagi mendapatkan dukungan yang sepenuh hati bahkan dari negara-negara yang selama puluhan tahun bersimpati pada Israel. Berbagai perubahan dramatis di Palestina mendorong publik internasional menjadi lebih bijak melihat hak-hak Palestina, dan utamanya lebih berani menentang sikap Amerika Serikat yang terus-menerus mendukung penuh agresivitas Israel dalam mempertahankan eksistensi di Timur Tengah dan eksistensi terhadap Palestina. Maka terjadi perubahan perlahan respon sekuritisasi yang sedang terjadi di Palestina, sekalipun menghadapi tantangan bahwa kekerasan sistemik yang dijalankan Israel masih mempersulit perdamaian diantara kedua pihak. Bisa jadi perubahan yang terjadi di Palestina dan lebih terbukanya berbagai negara melihat hak kedaulatan Palestina juga seiring terlalu lamanya konflik kedua pihak berlangsung, sehingga Palestina lebih memilih untuk bersikap cerdik menyikapi sikap keras kepala Israel. Maka sekuritisasi kedua pihak pada dasarnya sedang perlahan berubah, dan mungkin menjadi salah satu faktor yang kelak akan mengubah secara dramatis peta geopolitik di Timur Tengah. Seiring juga sedang terjadinya proses demokratisasi di Timur Tengah dalam tiga tahun terakhir.]]>
<![CDATA[POPULISME DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 4, No 1 (2015): ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 4 NO 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.4.1.27-47.2015
<![CDATA[On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi was sworn in as the Seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia. The majority of Indonesian society supports Jokowi because He is simple, honest and populist. The presence of populist leaders in international politics often attracts the attention of Western countries, particularly the United States. Populist leaders are often considered as the authoritarian leaders, anti-democratic, anti-Western, anti-foreign and anti-market. Hugo Chavez from Venezuela and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from Iran are the examples. Chavez and Ahmadinejad are considered as threats by the United States because they challenge the United States led regional and global order. This article will examine the direction of Jokowi’s foreign policy. This article argues that Jokowi is a moderate populist leader. Jokowi is friendly to other countries including the West but still prioritize the national interests. Thus, Indonesia under Jokowi is not a threat to other countries and the West. In fact, they can work together to achieve their common national interests. Keywords: populism, foreign policy, Indonesia, jokowi, moderate populism]]>
<![CDATA[Japan and the South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Noraini bt Zulkifli]]>;
<![CDATA[Vivian Louise Forbes]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 5, No 1 (2016): ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) VOL 5 NO 1 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.5.1.61-83.2016
<![CDATA[This article examines and analyses Japan’s current interest in theSouth China Sea, by first alluding to the historical context of that country’s involvement from the mid-1930s to the end of the Pacific War, 1945. It then outlines Japan’s energy security needs and that country’s national policy relating to securing safety for its flagged ships and those vessels assisting in promoting Japan’s export and import and the diplomatic role that Japan plays towards regional stability. Japan in their Diplomatic Bluebook stated that the priority for Japan is to guarantee the securityandprosperity of the countryand its people. Here,it is clear thatthe Japanese Government will trytodo everything togive the besttoensure their survival. Japan’s interest in South China Sea is because it is deemed critical for the Japanese security.Keywords: Japan, Energy, Maritime Security, Military, South China Sea]]>
<![CDATA[Fragmentasi Pemberontak Dan Durasi Perang Sipil: Thailand Selatan Pasca Dimediasi Organisasi Kerjasama Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Yurisa Irawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.152-164.2019
<![CDATA[Southern Thailand violent conflict, a civil war faced by Thailand Government against Pattani groups, has been lasted since 2004 without significant reconciliation.International organization, i.e., Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) has participated as the third actor striving for resolution. However, the conflict has been trapped in stagnancy. This study examines how three involving actors contributes to civil war duration. Third parties’ incapabilities, rebel fragmentation, and state’s power are the main reason why such a civil conflict could not reach a mutual agreement. Such conclusion is deduced based on qualitative data through two frameworks: Hourglass model and bargaining theory.]]>
