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Andalas Journal of International Studies
Published by Universitas Andalas
ISSN : 23018208     EISSN : 23559500     DOI : -
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) is a journal published by Andalas Institute of International Studies (ASSIST) which contain research and analytical platform dedicated to a better understanding of International issues and aims to craft the alternatives in International Studies. AJIS focuses on publishing the original research articles related to International Studies, International Development, Internatinal Relations, Global Studies, Global political studies, Global Political Economy, diplomacy, global and local relations and others related topic to International Studies.
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Articles 163 Documents
Hacktivist pada Pergerakan Sosial Transnasional: Kampanye Anonymous melawan Jaringan Teroris Transnasional 2015-2016 Muhammad Fikry Anshori
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (583.541 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.165-185.2019

Abstract

Latar belakang artikel ini adalah aktivitas kampanye Anonymous melawan jaringan teroris transnasional. Kampanye tersebut perlu dibahas karena dilakukan oleh jaringan transnasional terhadap jaringan transnasional lainnya. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan karakteristik pergerakan sosial transnasional dalam kampanye Anonymous melawan jaringan teroris transnasional. Konsep yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah pergerakan sosial transnasional dari S. Tarrow yang berfokus pada empat karakteristik yaitu kesempatan politik, struktur mobilisasi, kerangka tindakan kolektif, serta repertoar perlawanan. Dari hasil penelusuran artikel ini, diketahui kampanye Anonymous melawan jaringan teroris transnasional terdiri dari enam operasi yang dilakukan selama periode 2015-2016. Operasi tersebut dilakukan oleh enam kelompok peretas sebagai bagian dari Anonymous terhadap Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) dan Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) sebagai targetnya. Artikel ini menemukan Anonymous melakukan empat karakteristik pergerakan sosial transnasional dari S. Tarrow dalam enam kampanye terhadap jaringan teroris transnasional. Lebih lanjut, terdapat ciri khas tersendiri dari Anonymous sebagai aktor pergerakan sosial transnasional.
The Use of Multitrack Diplomacy in The Liberation Of 10 Indonesian Ship Crew From The Abu Sayyaf Group 2016 Putu Ratih Kumala Dewi
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (531.486 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.186-200.2019

Abstract

Indonesia was again shocked by the events of ship hijacking and hostage-taking of 10 Indonesian ship crew by the Abu Sayyaf separatist group in the Southern Philippines. This is not the first time for Indonesia where its citizens are held hostage by separatists, but the success of the Indonesian government in releasing hostages from Abu Sayyaf's group is interesting to discuss because 10 Indonesian ship crew members who were hostages were able to be released less than 3 months after the hijacking, without ransom and without firing contact. So the question arises as to how Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy is in the release of 10 Indonesian ship crew from the Abu Sayyaf group? In answering the above questions, the writer used the concept of diplomacy, multi-track diplomacy, and peacemaking. The results of this study are the diplomacy strategy used by Indonesia is Total Diplomacy where in addition to running the first track diplomacy also runs second track diplomacy involving track two (non-governmental and professional actors) and track four (civilian population). Keywords: Indonesian Diplomacy, Abu Sayyaf, Multi-Track Diplomacy, Total Diplomacy
Post-Disaster Relocation of Urban Coastal Communities in the Philippines Ginbert Permejo Cuaton
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (515.282 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.141-151.2019

Abstract

This paper examines the super typhoon Haiyan disaster as a case study that demonstrates the full complexity of multidimensional challenges, vulnerabilities, and adaptation needs of urban coastal communities at high risk of future impacts. Anchored on the Coastal Relocation Potential framework developed by Bukvic, Smith, and Zhang (2015), this qualitative research gathered data using a combination of desk research and field works in three urban coastal villages of Tacloban City highly devastated by Haiyan. Results showed that residents in urban coastal communities consider the following factors in deciding to relocate or not: a) household level socio-economic factors, b) psychosocial and physical impacts, c) post-disaster recovery concerns, and d) relocation assistance support needs. The study argues that policy-makers need proper planning, participatory consultation and great consideration to the socio-economic impacts it will cause to coastal dwellers, majority of which is urban-poor families.
The Modi Factor: The Role Of Narendra Modi’s Idiosyncratic Factors In India’s Foreign Policy Responses Towards China Pakistan Economic Corridor Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (639.763 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.115-140.2019

Abstract

The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is one of the causes of worsening Sino-Indian relations in recent years. The Economic Corridor runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India has claimed as its territory for decades. India sees thie Project as a violation of its sovereignty, but China defends the Project, saying that it is purely an economic connectivity project without strategic purposes. Seeing the possible worsening relations, India initiated to invite Xi Jinping for an Informal Summit with Narendra Modi. With a longstanding historical relationship with China, and his personal style diplomacy, Modi manages to fix some misconception with Xi Jinping on several issues. While trying to fix Sino-Indian relations, Narendra Modi is at the same time still firm on its opposition towards the Project. The authors observe that Narendra Modi’s personality plays a big role in India’s response towards China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Modi’s strong and assertive personality, coupled with his Hindu-nationalist belief, explained the Indian decision to firmly opposing the CPEC. On the other hand, the footprints of Modi’s charisma, personal-style diplomacy, and his longstanding relationship with China, are visible in the Wuhan Summit, in which Modi became the spearhead of diplomacy.
Private Boots on The Ground: Meretas Korelasi Kebangkitan Private Military Companies Dengan Globalisasi Ekonomi Frieska Haridha; Indra Kusumawardhana; Muhammad Firjatullah
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (814.87 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.222-232.2019

Abstract

This article targets an understanding related to the phenomenon of the rise of the Private Military Company which has strengthened its relations with the State in various conflicts in the world in the era of globalization - especially after the terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001. Using PMC understanding as an actor and the concept of globalization on economy, this paper provides a descriptive analysis of the correlation between the existence of PMC and the process of economic globalization that supports their existence in various conflicts in this world.
Indonesian Government Strategies On Obtaining Crude Palm Oil (CPO) Market Access To European Union Countries Over The EU Parliament Resolution On Palm Oil And Deforestation Of Rainforest Bustanul Arifin; Komang Audina Permana Putri
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (612.618 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.201-221.2019

Abstract

Indonesia is the largest producer of palm oil in the world. With Malaysia, palm oil production could account for about eighty percent of global production. Meanwhile, Europe is the country with the third largest CPO export destination for Indonesia after India and China. However, the EU proposed a European Union resolution initiative on palm oil and deforestation of rainforest, which finally passed with the major votes from EU members of Parliament in April 2017. The key point on EU resolution reveals that EU will ban palm oil use for biofuels production by 2020. The purpose of this research is to analyze the Indonesian government’s diplomatic efforts to respond and negotiate with EU regarding the issue. It is also considered important to prevent the global downturn on palm oil products. To analyze the diplomacy effort, the researcher will use qualitative methods presented through data collection from sources such as books, journals, press releases and official reports from institutions in this case the European Union. To support the research, the researcher also uses primary data through the interview with one of the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia for diplomatic actions conducted by Indonesian government. This research finds that the government of Indonesian finally combined several soft diplomatic strategies to face EU both directly and indirectly.Keywords: Strategies, Government of Indonesia, Trade, Palm Oil, EU Resolution, Deforestation
Analisis Konstruktivisme: Prilaku Korea Utara Terhadap Denuklirisasi Inda Mustika Permata
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (332.15 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.8.2.104-116.2019

Abstract

Tulisan ini berupaya untuk menjelaskan perubahan sikap Korea Utara terkait komitmennya dalam menghentikan program senjata nuklir. Dimulai dengan uji coba misil balistik pada tahun 2017, menuai beragam penolakan dari Cina, Korea Selatan, dan Amerika Serikat. Hingga pada April 2018, ditandatanganinya Deklarasi Pamunjom antara Korea Utara dan Korea Selatan, diiringi dengan diadakannya pertemuan Amerika Serikat dan Korea Utara pada Juni 2018 tentang denuklirisasi Korea Utara. Namun, lima bulan kemudian, IAEA melaporkan bahwa Korea Utara ternyata masih melanjutkan proram nuklirnya. Mangkirnya Korea Utara dari komitmennya disebabkan karena perbedaan identitas antara Korea utara dengan aktor lainnya di kawasan yang membentuk hubungan yang dipersepsikan sebagai rival dan kepentingan untuk mempertahankan diri.
The Implementation of Australia’s “Stepping-Up Engagement” with the Melanesian States as the Defence Strategy of Australia to Respond to the Rise of China in the South Pacific Region (2013-2018) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 9, No 2 (2020): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 9 No 2 November 2020
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.9.2.149-167.2020

Abstract

The rise of China in the South Pacific region indicates China’s growing political-diplomatic, economic, and the possibility of military presence within the region. Accordingly, it develops Australia’s threat perception and affects Australia’s national interest. A secure nearer region is the second most important in Australia’s strategic defense interests. Therefore, the stability and security of the South Pacific region are crucial to Australia’s national interests. This research discussed Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” as the defense strategy of Australia to strengthen its bilateral defense relations with the Melanesian states as the response to the rise of China. In addition, the research is constructed by using the concept of national interest, threat perception, defence strategy and bilateral defence relations through qualitative research method. This research explains the implementation of Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” with the Melanesian states as the defence strategy of Australia to respond to the rise of China in the South Pacific region.
Kejahatan Transnasional Terorganisir di Wilayah Perbatasan: Studi Modus Operandi Penyelundupan Narkotika Riau dan Malaysia Rendi Prayuda
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 9, No 1 (2020): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 9 No 1 May 2020
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.9.1.34-47.2020

Abstract

The transformation of issues in international politics has led to a shift from traditional security issues (war and military) to non-traditional security issues (human security). One form of non-traditional security threat is the transnational crime activity of narcotics smuggling in Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian region has an area of around 4.4 million KM2 and is known as the "Golden Triangle" narcotics production area on the border of Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar. One of the destination countries for smuggling narcotics in the Southeast Asian region is Indonesia and Riau Province is one of the gateways for the illegal entry of narcotics from other countries, especially Malaysia. This paper aims to analyze the modus operandi of transnational crime in narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Riau and Malaysia. This paper uses a qualitative method using interviews with research informants. The results of this study indicate that the modus operandi of narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Indonesia and Malaysia is carried out by sea along the coastline of the border provinces of Riau and Malaysia. Narcotics are neatly wrapped and installed GPS devices then smuggled at night by using the services of fishermen as a courier. This seawater smuggling route was chosen due to several factors, namely: the proximity of the territorial waters, the number of unofficial or illegal ports, the lack of surveillance patrols along the water area and the professionalism of law enforcement officers in the border region. The transformation of issues in international politics has led to a shift from traditional security issues (war and military) to non-traditional security issues (human security). One form of non-traditional security threat is the transnational crime activity of narcotics smuggling in Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian region has an area of around 4.4 million KM2 and is known as the "Golden Triangle" narcotics production area on the border of Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar. One of the destination countries for smuggling narcotics in the Southeast Asian region is Indonesia and Riau Province is one of the gateways for the illegal entry of narcotics from other countries, especially Malaysia. This paper aims to analyze the modus operandi of transnational crime in narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Riau and Malaysia. This paper uses a qualitative method using interviews with research informants. The results of this study indicate that the modus operandi of narcotics smuggling in the border regions of Indonesia and Malaysia is carried out by sea along the coastline of the border provinces of Riau and Malaysia. Narcotics are neatly wrapped and installed GPS devices then smuggled at night by using the services of fishermen as a courier. This seawater smuggling route was chosen due to several factors, namely: the proximity of the territorial waters, the number of unofficial or illegal ports, the lack of surveillance patrols along the water area and the professionalism of law enforcement officers in the border region. 
Peran WTO dalam Menjembatani Benturan Kepentingan Antara Uni Eropa dan Indonesia dalam Perdagangan Biodiesel Anggi Mariatulkubtia
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 9, No 1 (2020): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 9 No 1 May 2020
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.9.1.16-33.2020

Abstract

Indonesia's success at the World Trade Organization (WTO) in demanding the European Union (EU) to drop its biodiesel anti-dumping policy in 2018, as well as EU’s compliance with the decision, is a unique case when faced with the perception that international institutions tend to be inclined towards developed countries and disadvantaging developing countries. Utilizing Robert O. Keohane's liberal institutional functionalism theory, this paper describes how the WTO acted as a facilitator in resolving biodiesel disputes between the two parties. This paper argues that the WTO not only provides a dispute settlement mechanism and helps balance information biases, but also raises the cost of reputation and credibility that EU must pay if it chooses to defect the ruling. This research is not intended to show that the WTO, or international institutions and regimes in general, is an antidote for any disputes between developed and developing countries, or that it can always successfully mediate disputes between countries in general. Instead, this paper shows that international institutions can provide a platform for developing countries when facing developed countries, as long as the said actor acts rationally and makes careful calculations about its bargaining position and possible steps to be taken by its opponent.Keywords: WTO, European Union, Indonesia, anti dumping, liberal institutions, international regime, biodiesel. Kemenangan Indonesia di World Trade Organization (WTO) terhadap tuntutan penghapusan bea masuk anti dumping biodiesel Uni Eropa pada tahun 2018, serta kepatuhan Uni Eropa pada keputusan WTO tersebut, dapat dikatakan sebagai sebuah anomali ketika dihadapkan pada persepsi bahwa institusi internasional cenderung condong kepada negara maju dan merugikan negara berkembang. Tulisan ini menjabarkan bagaimana WTO berperan sebagai fasilitator dalam upaya penyelesaian sengketa biodiesel di antara kedua pihak, dengan menggunakan teori fungsionalisme institusi liberal Robert O. Keohane. WTO tidak hanya memberikan platform dan menyeimbangkan bias informasi lewat mekanisme penyelesaian sengketanya, namun juga menaikkan biaya reputasi dan kredibilitas yang harus dibayarkan Uni Eropa jika ia mengabaikan putusan institusi perdagangan internasional tersebut. Penelitian ini tidaklah ditujukan untuk menunjukkan bahwa WTO, atau institusi dan rezim internasional secara umum, dapat menjadi penawar bagi tiap-tiap pertikaian antara negara maju dan negara berkembang, atau menengahi pertikaian antar negara secara umum. Tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa institusi internasional dapat memberikan wadah bagi negara berkembang ketika dihadapkan dengan negara maju, selama aktor bertindak rasional dan membuat perhitungan yang matang mengenai posisi tawarnya serta langkah-langkah yang akan ditempuh oleh lawannya.Keyword: WTO, Uni Eropa, Indonesia, anti dumping, institusi liberal, rezim internasional, biodiesel.

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