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<![CDATA[Populism and the Fading Embedded Liberalism? ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Sigit Andhi Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 2, No 1 (2017): September 2017 - February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v2i1.278
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the development of institutions within international political economy over the course of the last 70 years. From World War II to the present, states have constructed regimes to manage some-but not all-aspects of the international economy. A once-strong regime to manage trade has weakened since the 1990s. Likewise, with the abandonment of dollar-gold convertibility in 1973, a robust regime to manage monetary relations collapsed. Conversely, states originally left finance unregulated but in 1988 created and progressively have strengthened rules to manage international banking. In production, the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment collapsed in 1998 without ever securing necessary multilateral support. Despite the variations, those institutions are the manifestation of the idea of embedded liberalism, a compromise between the need of developing a self-regulated market and providing economic security for the communities. Arguably, the development and variations in institutions are by and large shaped by the changes in international power structure and social purposes of the institutions. Furthermore, this paper also wants to address the prospect of embedded liberalism especially in the context of recent rise of populism and democratic rejection against free trade as reaction toward the results of globalization. It is too soon to argue about the end of embedded liberalism. This paper is structured into two main parts. The first part is a conceptual framework discussing the nature of institutions and its variations. It is mainly built from the work of John G. Ruggie on international institution. The second part is an empirical analysis of to what extent states are able to renew the promise of embedded liberalism in order to address citizens’ dissatisfaction with globalization and growing sense of political helplessness. This last section is indebted to Amitai Etzioni for developing communitarian solutions to populism.]]>
<![CDATA[Assessing Indonesia’s Leadership in the Advancement of ASEAN Political-Security Community under President Joko Widodo ]]>
<![CDATA[Gibran Mahesa Drajat]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2018): March - August 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v2i2.424
<![CDATA[This paper aims to examine Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN as the regional organization advances its community building in areas of political-security. Indonesia, the largest state in Southeast Asia both from geographic and economic size, is known for its de facto leadership within the regional integration process of ASEAN. Such integration is mostly prominent in areas of multilateral engagement, conflict management, and democracy as well as human rights promotion. With President Joko Widodo at the helm of Indonesia’s presidency since October 2014, Indonesia has reoriented its foreign policy cornerstone on ASEAN into other channels that best serve its national interest. As Indonesia repositions its focus from ASEAN, there is a need to evaluate whether the trajectory of ASEAN Political-Security Community will continue to thrive under the consensual decision-making process among its ten member states known as ASEAN way. To evaluate Indonesia’s leadership in the advancement of ASEAN Political-Security Community under President Joko Widodo, the paper will review Indonesia’s initiatives to ASEAN and how they contribute towards Southeast Asia’s regionalism. Subsequently, three areas of Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN Political-Security Community building will be examined: the maintenance of ASEAN Centrality, South China Sea dispute management, and promotion of democracy and human rights. The paper concludes that ASEAN way works not only when ASEAN member states find a common ground on regional issues that affect their respective domestic politics. A presence of informal and voluntary leadership where “matured” member states bring about initiative and persuasion is needed to maintain ASEAN’s strategic relevance in Asia-Pacific. For this reason, Indonesia’s legitimacy as an informal leader in ASEAN plays an important role to ensure that the organization remain united and central to its member states.Keywords: ASEAN Political-Security Community, Indonesian Foreign Policy, Regional Leadership ]]>
<![CDATA[OPTIMIZING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF QUANTUM LEAP PROGRAM TO FACE THE CHALLENGES OF ASEAN OPEN SKY POLICY: LESSONS FROM GARUDA INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Andhita Zerlina]]>;
<![CDATA[Endi Haryono]]>;
<![CDATA[Witri Elvianti]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 1 (2016): September 2016 - February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i1.75
<![CDATA[By the implementation of ASEAN Economic Community in 2015, all ASEAN member countriesare preparing themselves to survive in the economic competition including the aviation sector through ASEAN Open Skies Policy 2015. As the Indonesian national carrier, Garuda Indonesia has significant efforts in various sectors to support Indonesia in ASEAN Open Skies Policy 2015. The focus of this research is to critically examine the implementation of Garuda Indonesia’s Quantum Leap Program in supporting Indonesia in the implementation of ASEAN Open Sky Policy in 2015. This research also refers to several concepts such as regionalism and cultural diplomacy to explain the phenomenon of ASEAN Economic Community in which Garuda Indonesia displays its roles to promote Indonesia to foreign public.]]>
<![CDATA[ESCALATION AND DE-ESCALATION OF WAR OBJECTIVES: THE ANALYSIS OF ASYMMETRIC WAR IN LEBANON (2006) ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Alverdian]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 1 (2016): September 2016 - February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i1.81
<![CDATA[This article tries to enrich the conceptual debate and discussions among international relations and strategic studies scholars regarding explanations of weak actor‟s victories against strong actors in military conflicts. For longtime strategic studies scholars have tried to find the most relevant and valid explanations on the reasoning on how a weak actor can achieve victory in asymmetric conflict despite overwhelming inferiority in terms of power. Previous strategic studies scholars have proposed competing hypothesis ranging from regime type, balance of interests to the types of strategic interaction between the two actors. In this essay, the author would like to underline the significance of fog of war or uncertainty as a significant contributing factor during strategic interactions at tactical-operational towards shaping either a favorable or vice-versa unfavorable war conditions for the weak actor to modify pre-war political objectives of the asymmetric conflict. In this analysis, the 2006 Lebanon War is taken as a case study of the asymmetric conflict between the strong and weak actor. The result strengthened the notion that there is no single variable but a multitude of variable which explains asymmetric conflict outcomes.]]>
<![CDATA[SMALL NAVY, BIG RESPONSIBILITIES: THE STRUGGLES OF BUILDING INDONESIA’S NAVAL POWER ]]>
<![CDATA[I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 2 (2017): March - August 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i2.238
<![CDATA[From its inception, the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) has struggled to reconcile its relatively small capabilities with its large responsibilities. This paper argues that significant reforms need to be carried out in order to improve the overall capacity of the TNI-AL and build Indonesian naval power. The Global Maritime Fulcrum vision provides this opportunity, however, it must be sustained by the political leadership in the long term as developing naval power does not happen overnight. To that end, this paper discusses four chief problems that the TNI-AL continues to face today, namely (1) a lack of a comprehensive maritime outlook, (2) stringent budgetary conditions, (3) a continental-oriented command and control structure, and (4) “turf wars” between related agencies in the government. This paper also briefly contrasts and compares Indonesia’s experience with China’s experience with naval development under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Although both countries are arguably different from one another in one way or the other, this exercise serves to highlight three lessons that may be applicable for Indonesia in managing its naval development and understanding the complexity in building its naval power. These lessons include (1) a need for strong and sustained political will in developing naval power and (2) having a clear strategic objective for naval development, and (3) a significant amount of resources are required to build naval power.]]>
<![CDATA[Cultural and International Dissonance on Girls Empowerment: the Case of Afghanistan’s Female Son ]]>
<![CDATA[Made Yaya Sawitri]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 2, No 1 (2017): September 2017 - February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v2i1.246
<![CDATA[Bacha Posh is a Dari term which literary means “girls dressed as boys. Girls who were born in a family without son must disguise themselves as boys under social or economic pressure. This arrangement end when the girl reaches puberty as she has to turn back to her birth gender and get married. This article underlines incongruence between international discourse and cultural discourse on girl child. International community often depicts girl child as helpless population with very limited capacity and agency. Bacha Posh is proving just the opposite. They serve as a portrayal of Afghan girls who cleverly resisting the rigid societal norms in the fragile country where having sons equal security. Through the lives of the bacha posh, this article wishes to unveil what it means to be girls in the post-war Afghanistan where the international community has persistently been trying to teach Afghans about gender and human rights.]]>
<![CDATA[The Importance of Integrating Environmental Security to Human Security Based Policy in Managing Humanitarian Crisis: The Case of the Lake Chad Basin ]]>
<![CDATA[Natasya Kusumawardani]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 2 (2017): March - August 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i2.279
<![CDATA[Humanitarian crisis is one of the critical problems in international relations which threaten the security. Humanitarian crisis could be caused by many factors, either originated by human activities or environmental degradations. It changed the idea that threat could only be state related, but it could also directly be impacting the people. This article argues that in order to manage this problem, there is the need to shift the perspective in seeing security from traditional (state-centric) to non-traditional (people-centred) to build effective policy. It also argues that environmental security is a part of human security, both have close linkage of action and reaction. The case in the Lake Chad Basin shows that there is a threat to human security from the environment, either it is coming from the water crisis in the lake and the impact of climate change.]]>
<![CDATA[Humanitarian Intervention from Constructivist Perspective: CaseStudy of China Peace Keeping Operation in Darfur ]]>
<![CDATA[Rika Isnarti]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2018): March - August 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v2i2.425
<![CDATA[Peace keeping operation as part of humanitarian intervention is a close issue to human right. It is assumed to be a way to achieve human right particularly in situation of conflict. This essay analyses the difference between humanitarian intervention and the promotion of human rights and reason state join peace keeping operation in humanitarian intervention from constructivist view? This essay chose Case study China peace keeping operation in Darfur. It concludes that Constructivism sees human rights as a norm that can be promoted by social movement as well countries accept that norm. China has to adopt human rights as one of the primary norm and join peace keeping as an idea that this country accepts the human rights norm. In this step China is a norm cascade stage. China receive human rights but still question the appropriate behavior regarding the norm. Keywords: China, Constructivist, peace keeping, norm]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIAN SUSTAINABLE PALM OIL (ISPO), A WAY TO REACH THE EUROPEAN UNION RENEWABLE ENERGY DIRECTIVE (EU RED) 2009 AND BOOSTING INDONESIAN PALM OIL MARKET TO EUROPEAN UNION (EU) 2009-2014 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ariance Valentina Hia]]>;
<![CDATA[Natasya Kusumawardani]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 1 (2016): September 2016 - February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i1.83
<![CDATA[Renewable energy is expected to support the sustainable development whether in terms of environment itself, or in economic and social. Biofuel as the product of palm oil is one of the renewable energy sources that can answer the problems that caused by fossils fuels such as greenhouse gases (GHG), limited availability, and the volatile price. Biofuels is environmentally and economically friendly that can help to reduce GHG, affordable, and renewable which then make it sustainable. Indonesia as the biggest producer of palm oil becomes the importer of biofuels for other countries especially European Union (EU) as one of biggest importer of palm oil from Indonesia. EU has big concern on sustainable energy which provides European Union Renewable Energy Directive (EU RED) 2009 for a sustainable palm oil. Indonesia gave response in creating government regulation of Indonesian Sustaianble Palm Oil (ISPO). Question raised: How did the Government Regulation from Minister of Agriculture No. 19/PERMENTAN/OT.140/3/2011 about ISPO adjusts the EU-RED biofuels sustainable criteria while protecting the Indonesian palm oil export activities to EU (2009-2014)? The result of this study is that the principles and criterion consist in the ISPO meet the criterion from biofuels sustainable regulated in EU RED. It has the same goals of sustainable criteria for palm oil. In addition, the ISPO gave great impact for the demand of EU for Indonesian palm oil. Thus, the ISPO has big potential to reach the goals of sustainable palm oil and protecting Palm oil market to Europe in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[THE POWER BALANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA: THE STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION WITH REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN (2010-2014) ]]>
<![CDATA[Megawati Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[AnakAgung Banyu Perwita]]>
<![CDATA[ AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 1 (2016): September 2016 - February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[President University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i1.82
<![CDATA[The strategic value of the Central Asia region attracts Russia, United States (U.S.) and China to try to get closer with the region. The abundant energy reserves and strategic location to spread military influence leads Central Asia becoming a strategic arena. Seeing the competition of external interested parties in Central Asia, it increases the awareness of Russian Federation as the major power which has already become a dominant actor on that region since the collapse of Soviet Union; as the big brother of former Soviet Union, Russia feels the stabilization of the region becomes Russian responsibility. To prevent the spreading of external major powers on the region and to manage the power balance in Central Asia, Russia sets its military strategy to keep its military influence in the region. The main focus of this article is presenting the implementation of Russian military strategies by utilize its strategic partnership with Kazakhstan as the shortcut to succeed the implementation of those military strategies.]]>
