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AEGIS : Journal of International Relations
Published by President University
ISSN : 25411373     EISSN : 25484532     DOI : -
Core Subject : Humanities, Education, Art, Social,
Arts Humanities Social Sciences Other
AEGIS Journal of International Relations is a biannual journal which publishes articles on issues, events and discourses in International Relations on the bases of the broadening scope in the discipline.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 89 Documents
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CHINA – CAMBODIA RELATIONSHIPS: PHNOM PENH as BEIJING’S PERMANENT CLIENT STATE Sigit Candra Wiranata Kusuma
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (181.958 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.774

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between Cambodia and People’s Republic of China (PRC)use historical approach and secondary data regarding the topic. Although Cambodia and PRC do not share direct border, their relationship has been flourished since Cambodia gaining their independence from France in 1953 under the regime of Norodom Sihanouk until the administration of Prime Minister Hun Sen. Since then, China has been injecting Cambodia with financial aids, which helping Cambodia to establish its nation. Noting the power gap between two nations that would be complicate the relationships between two. In addition, China with its famous five peaceful coexistence has managed to build closer ties with Cambodia.   This paper concluded thatafter the implementation of Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)in 2013, the relationship began to shift from China’s closest friend in Southeast Asia towards something beyond diplomatic ties, which is Cambodia as a permanent client state of PRC and has strong normative background, and the ties itself invites many critics both from regional and international. For instance, during the Disputes of South China Sea and 45th ASEAN annual meeting where Cambodia shown their firm positions in line with China. Cambodia is appeared to show its loyalty to China as a form of payback for years of Chinese financial aids and investment for decades.Keywords:Sino-Khmer ties, BRI, Chinese permanent client, and Development of Cambodia
Indonesia Foreign Policy Update: rough waves ahead in the Indo-Pacific I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (440.049 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.727

Abstract

Situated in a highly dynamic region at the crossroads of the Pacific and Indian Ocean, Indonesia’s foreign policy has long been influenced by both international and domestic factors. In light of these changes, we firstly look at the development of Indonesia’s external environment. This discussion centres on the dynamics in the Indo-Pacific between the major powers, specifically their outlooks, approaches, and interests in the region. Next, we examine Indonesia’s domestic dynamics, particularly those related to the progress of the development of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In this section, we will discuss the process of naval modernization and an update of national political dynamics as the 2019 Presidential Elections loom closer. Finally, we examine the progress of Indonesia’s bilateral and multilateral cooperation.
Border Security Problems in the Waters of the Natuna Islands: Between National Boundaries and Illegal Fishing Fauzan Fauzan; Kamarulnizam Abdullah; Mohammad Zaki Ahmad
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (423.891 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.736

Abstract

Natuna or better known as the Natuna Islands is one of the border areas in Indonesia that has complex problems. As a cluster of islands bordering Indonesia with Malaysia and Vietnam, the Natuna Islands are also located in the South China Sea region, which is a regional dispute hot spot in East Asia. This paper will discuss the concept of border security and border security issues in the waters of the Natuna Islands. In this paper, the authors argue that the problem of the Indonesian EEZ maritime boundary in the Natuna Islands territorial waters with Malaysia and Vietnam needs to be immediately resolved, because in addition to sovereignty, the precision of the EEZ boundary with neighboring countries will be related to the management of natural resources contained in the particular territorial waters. This condition is increasingly complicated when China with its nine-dashed line has raised problems of overlapping claims in the Natuna waters. In addition, the obscurity of maritime boundaries is used by certain parties to carry out illegal fishing in the maritime areas currently being disputed by the neighboring countries.
The Dynamics of the Constellation in East Asia: Japan's Response towards Changes of the Regional Status-quo Post-Panmunjom Declaration Satwika Paramasatya; Yemima Galih Pradipta
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (426.732 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.794

Abstract

Security is an important aspect for a state. In particular, regional security plays important role in influencing state policies and actions. This paper departs from the High Level meeting between South Korea and North Korea in April 2018 which then produces an output in the form of peace agreement, the Panmunjom Declaration. The declaration has different impact to Japan, because it becomes the turning point of the status-quo in the East Asia region. Relations between states are generally driven and motivated by interests rather than the shared identity. This paper aims to analyze the actions and responses of Japan as a pacifist state towards the changes in the constellation of East Asia relations after the Panmunjom Declaration. In the end of this paper, it is concluded that what happened in the East Asia region is accordance to the concept of classical realism theory. The Panmunjom Declaration surely is an international event marked as turning point of East Asia regional status-quo, but could not be claimed as the main factor to drive Japan revising article 9. However, Japan's alertness towards North Korea remains same. Even though it is not the main factor, but the Panmunjom Declaration made Japan interprets its position differently in East Asia, and has influenced Shinzo Abe's narrative to further strive for the revision agenda to be realized immediately.
Changes in Chinese-Indonesian Identity: Indonesianization or Re- Sinicization? Harryanto Aryodiguno
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (662.159 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.728

Abstract

During the Suharto era, which began after the anti-Chinese riots in 1965 as a result of the deterioration of the relation between Indonesia and China, forced policies of assimilation was adopted for curtailing the Chinese culture and to control Chinese-Indonesians. Yet, anti-Chinese sentiments remained, and attacks against them reached its climax in May 1998, when anti-Chinese riots recurred because of the allegation that Chinese-Indonesians had an advantageous economic status, and they were the culprit that brought financial crisis to Indonesia. The May 1998 riot ended Suharto’s era, and Chinese Indonesians saw improvement in their position and condition. Now, they strive to find their own identity and political status. Their efforts to do so were also influence by the rise of China. That is why, this paper aims at examining whether the reintroduction of Chinese cultural celebrations into Chinese-Indonesian community would result in the demise of policies of assimilation. It also examines whether the rise of China would propel them to establish a closer identification with the People’s Republic of China. How do Chinese-Indonesians view their identity? How do they choose this identity and their political inclinations? These are the research questions this paper is going to answer. The findings show that the status of the Chinese in Indonesia is divided into two groups. The first group is the one who is determined to break away from Chinese identification, and the second group is the one that still maintains their Chinese culture.
Actualizing Blue Economy: Multi-Track Diplomacy in Supporting Indonesia – Philippines Ocean Economy Cooperation (2014-2017) Yossica Novyanti Lyonitha Putri; Anggara Raharyo
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (344.349 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.710

Abstract

This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy to the Philippines in actualizing blue economy from 2014 until 2017. Indonesia's geographical condition, which is the largest archipelagic country in the world and is located within the coral triangle region brace Indonesia to have enormous marine potentials and high valuation. Indonesia during the reign of President Joko Widodo committed to develop their economy from the marine sector using blue economic principle-- the utilization of marine potential by considering the long-term calculation between social and the environmental sustainability. The authors use complex interdependence theory which shows that cooperation between Indonesia and the Philippines by involving the role of non-governmental organizations and business stakeholders contribute to solve problems and support the successful implementation of the blue economy. Through a qualitative analytic research method, this article finds Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy as the effort to implement blue economy by using Multi-track Diplomacy approach, which focuses on the government (Track I) through the signing of Joint Declaration of Sea Connectivity between the two countries, non-government professional (Track II) through the establishment of the Working Group for Coral Triangle Initiatives involving Non-Governmental Organizations in Indonesia, and business (Track III) through the Coral Triangle Initiatives-Business Forum to the Philippines during the administration of President Joko Widodo in 2014-2017.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis strategi diplomasi Indonesia ke Filipina dalam mengaktualisasikan ekonomi biru dari 2014 hingga 2017. Kondisi geografis Indonesia, yang merupakan negara kepulauan terbesar di dunia dan terletak di dalam kawasan segitiga karang menganugerahkan Indonesia dengan potensi laut yang sangat besar dan valuasi tinggi. Indonesia pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo berkomitmen untuk mengembangkan ekonomi mereka dari sektor kelautan menggunakan prinsip ekonomi biru-- pemanfaatan potensi kelautan dengan mempertimbangkan perhitungan jangka panjang antara keberlanjutan sosial dan lingkungan. Penulis menggunakan teori ‘complex interdependence’ yang menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama antara Indonesia dan Filipina dengan melibatkan peran organisasi non-pemerintah dan pemangku kepentingan bisnis berkontribusi untuk memecahkan masalah dan mendukung keberhasilan implementasi ekonomi biru.Menggunakan metodologi penelitian kualitatif, skripsi ini menjelaskan strategi diplomasi Indonesia dalam upaya untuk mengaktualisasikan ekonomi bitu dengan menggunakan langkah Multi-track Diplomacy, dengan fokus dalam kerjasama negara (Track I) melalui penandatanganan Joint Declaration of Sea Connectivity antara kedua negara, organisasi non-pemerintah (Track II) melalui penetapan kelompok kerja untuk kerjasama Coral Triangle Initiative dengan melibatkan organisasi non-pemerintah di Indonesia, dan bisnis (Track III) melalui Forum Bisnis Regional Coral Triangle Initiatives kepada Filipina selama masa administrasi Presiden Joko Widodo tahun 2014-2017.
Front Matter - AEGIS Vol. 3, no. 2 Witri Elvianti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (8445.83 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.879

Abstract

This is the cover and front matter for AEGIS Vol. 3, no. 2.
International Law Non-Compliance: Assessing Uruguay’s Decision to Legalize Cannabis under Jose Mujica Regime Tesalonika, Novia Sinta; Kusumawardani, Natasya
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (792.33 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.729

Abstract

Uruguay has ratified the international drug control conventions that consist of Single Convention on narcotic drugs 1961 as amended 1972 protocol, the convention on psychotropic substance 1971, and United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances 1988. Since then, the Uruguayan government has been a part of the ‘War on Drugs" campaign. In 2012, Jose Mujica proposed the policy of cannabis legalisation. The proposal was signed and passed into Uruguay law no 19172 that allow and regulate the plant, consumption and sale of cannabis on December 20th, 2013. This policy has violated international drug control conventions and received critics from the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB), the body of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Despite the critics from INCB, the government stood against the norm of the treaty. This article analyses the causative factors that trigger this behavioural change. The increasing number of drugs users caused many problems in Uruguay especially the increasing numbers of criminal acts. It created national problems and hampering the government's efforts to fight drug trafficking and ensuring the safety of society. By all mean, it became threats to their national interest. Thus, the government believed that compliance with the conventions could not help them to overcome these threats. Uruguay case has shown that state behaviour towards international law will change along its changing national interest.
The Contribution of NGO in Public Diplomacy: A Case Study of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs in Resolving the Transboundary Haze Pollution Issue between Singapore-Indonesia (2012-2016) Angela, Jessica; Hikam, Muhammad A.S.
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (299.011 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.725

Abstract

In 2013, Southeast Asian countries have to face a disastrous haze pollution coming from Indonesia. Transboundary Haze Pollution (THP) is a deadly occurrences that repeats annually. As a result, Indonesia’s neighboring countries must encounter disadvantageous consequences. One of the countries gradually affected is Singapore, since they have been through haze pollution since the late 1980’s. Various attempts have been made by Singapore to mitigate the disaster. Since bilateral and regional efforts do not give any solution, Singapore then implies public diplomacy efforts. The practices of these public diplomacy could be seen from the involvement of one of the nation’s influential NGOs, the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA). As a result, they are able to pressure Indonesia in applying a more comprehensive map for haze tracker. Therefore, this study expects to invite readers’ interest in the issue of NGO, precisely in International Relations and Public Diplomacy. This study will specifically discuss the practice of SIIA as public diplomacy efforts to resolve the THP issue from 2012 until 2016.
Indonesian Sub-Majors at Chinese Universities and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Isyana Adriani
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (606.307 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.730

Abstract

Since President of China Xi Jinping introduced the mega infrastructure project Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in late 2013, many have doubted the real objective of the president, particularly since world leadership position has been vacant because US President Donald Trump still has no clear foreign policy on Asia Pacific. BRI, which aims to connect China to all continents in the world, has already had negative and positive impacts. One of which is Africa, where China has been helping the Trans-African Highway project, a project that has been planned since 1971. However, BRI has caused African countries’ debts to China to multiply, and it is not impossible that they will experience what Sri Lanka has already experienced: Beijing taking over their Hambantota Port. In Indonesia itself, there have been several BRI projects, such as the 142-km fast train that connects Bandung, West Java, to Jakarta, and Morowali Industrial Park in Central Sulawesi. However, despite BRI’s help with infrastructure many people are suspicious that Indonesia will fall into a “debt trap” like Sri Lanka and African countries already did. They are also worried about the ever-increasing number of Chinese workers to Indonesia, which threaten the availability of jobs for locals. On the other hand, Indonesia’s involvement in BRI shows that Indonesia is an important country to China, and this can be seen through many things, one of which is the growing number of Chinese universities having Indonesian language and culture sub-majors in the past seven years. This essay focuses on how these Indonesian language and culture sub-majors contribute to the success of BRI in China.

Page 4 of 9 | Total Record : 89

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