Nation State : Journal of International Studies
Nation State: Journal of International Studies (NSJIS) is a scientific publication under management of International Relations Department, Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Universitas AMIKOM Yogyakarta in collaboration with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (AIHII). The journal aims to facilitate the exchange and dissemination of ideas and research in the field of International Relations. The scope of this journal consist of Global Political Economy; Diplomacy and Foreign Policy; Globalization and Global Civil Society; Global Governance; Regional and International Security; or The other topic related to international studies.
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<![CDATA[Diplomasi Indonesia dalam Menyelesaikan Krisis Pengungsi Rohingya Tahun 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Albayumi, Fuat]]>;
<![CDATA[Hadi, Nourma Meysita]]>;
<![CDATA[Susilo, Djoko]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.121
<![CDATA[The armed conflict in Rakhine in 2017 caused a humanitarian crisis for the Rohingyas. This crisis resulted in the emergence of criticism towards Myanmar government for its refusal to offer humanitarian assistance to the victims of conflict. In spite of that, the Myanmar government has closed access for foreigners, including humanitarian aid. However, Indonesia have accepted to discuss the settlement of the case. This research will examine how Indonesia's diplomacy to resolve the crisis due to the conflict in Rakhine in 2017. This research uses research literature method to collect secondary data coming from reliable source. This research is using qualitative descriptive technique and analyzed to described or interpreted to obtain a complete picture of the answer to the problem under study. The results show that in resolving the crisis for Rohingya ethnic in 2017, Indonesia conducts humanitarian diplomacy, which includes communicating with the Myanmar and Bangladesh governments and foreign parties, acting as a liaison between the Myanmar government and the international community, and negotiating with Myanmar and Bangladesh governments regarding the settlement of the Rohingya refugee crisis.]]>
<![CDATA[Nasionalisme Tenaga Kerja Indonesia (TKI) Di Malaysia dalam Narasi Media Sosial ]]>
<![CDATA[Maksum, Ali]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono, Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.124
<![CDATA[This article discusses the nationalism sentiment among Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia from the social media narratives. The aims of this article are (1) to examine the framing of nationalism among Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia; (2) to understand the typology of nationalism among Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia; and (3) to examine the influences factors behind the nasionalism among Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia. This is qualitative analysis sumplemented by structured interview as well as focus group discussion (FGD). The systematic content analysis on some particular documents is also applied in this study.]]>
<![CDATA[Menilai Potensi Perang dibalik Kepemilikan Nuklir India dan Pakistan ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajria, Rayhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.131
<![CDATA[India and Pakistan are two nuclear ownership that flank Kashmir. Claims against Kashmir territory and their history sparked long debate between countries. The conflict became one of the main roots of why India and Pakistan still continue to increase their nuclear power. Conflict continues to heat up creating such an arms race which makes both of them consider the existence of a potential big threat to their sovereignty. In analyzing the issue, this article examine the use of the deterrence theory, where this theory says there are several factors that are important conditions in seeing the possibility of nuclear war. Some of these factors are like; rational state as a condition of the nuclear launch command system, the two countries’ abilities to develop second strike, and the India-Pakistan history of direct involvement in armed conflict.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Cina menjadi Kekuatan Maritim dalam Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Qodarsasi, Umi]]>;
<![CDATA[Rachmawati, Tety]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.132
<![CDATA[After the economic reform in 1978, China experienced a rapid economic growth. The open door policy adopted on economic reforms succeeded in attracting many foreign investors in the sector of manufacture. Along with its status as a new power of the world economy, China is also ambitious to become the largest maritime power. The Indian Ocean is a strategic area to strengthen China's steps to support economic needs and become a maritime power. To achieve strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region, China joins as an IORA partner. China’s effort to dominate at the IORA is not only to recruiting rival countries, but also to built strategic partnerships with the countries in the Indian Ocean region. Besides Pakistan and Myanmar, China has also established strategic partnerships with Iran, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. For strategic partner, China is seen as an alliance in strengthening politics in their country and is a supplier of military weapons and technology with affordable prices. This paper will explain the China's interests in the IORA and China's position compared to other IORA member, and also China's strategy. The results obtained shows that China has the potential to become a maritime power at the IORA.]]>
<![CDATA[Pasal 9 Konstitusi Jepang: Perubahan Sikap AS Terhadap Militer Jepang ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Helsi Eka]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.133
<![CDATA[This article explains the US foreign policy on the Obama administration towards the reinterpretation of article 9 of the Japanese constitution. Historically, article 9 was the result of US interference to keep Japan from proactive military activities and oblige Japan to sacrifice all its territory since 1895, and to incorporate Japan into the US security system. This evoke a question, why in the era of Obama administration US supported article 9 reinterpretation efforts that will make the Japanese military proactive? The purpose of this article is to analyze the direction of US President Barack Obama's foreign policy in the second period. Foreign policy theory with national interest concept approach is used to analyze three factors influencing US foreign policy to support the reinterpretation of article 9. This article uses literature study by collecting data that related to the factors of US in doing such foreign policy towards Japan. Ultimately, this article argued that external, internal, and perceptions of US decision-makers influence US foreign policy in favor of reinterpretation of article 9.]]>
<![CDATA[Ideologi: Faktor Konflik dan Kegagalan Timur Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Muttaqin, Muhammad Zainal]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.134
<![CDATA[The following article explains how Western ideologies become major factor of conflicts and failures in the Middle East. In this paper the author looks from the perspective of ideological hegemony. Ideology undermines the political and economic systems that cause social inequality and accelerate the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East. The author raised Syria and Libya as examples to prove the factors that led to the conflict. The author argues that the main cause of the Middle East conflict is the influence of Western ideology that cannot be accepted by government in power or even the people, so that it triggers conflicts and even war. Democracy which is an accepted model in various countries cannot be applied in the Middle East. The author also criticized the failure of democracy implementation and liberal economies in the Middle East.]]>
<![CDATA[The U.S. Foreign Policy under Trump Administration to Recognize Jerusalem as the State Capital of Israel ]]>
<![CDATA[Aswar, Hasbi]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.136
<![CDATA[A speech from the President of United States, Donald Trump, who explicitly state Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel triggering debate that threatens harmonization of the Middle East. Disagreement appear from South East Asia state up to European state regarding to Trump’s statement, which turn into United States foreign policy. Trump’s statement described as the main reason of increasing tension Palestinian – Israel conflict. This essay argues that The US policy toward Jerusalem was merely influenced by domestic politics in the sense that to satisfy Trump`s main voters of the Republican Party that is Evangelical Christian base.]]>
<![CDATA[Trickle-Down Economics Arthur Lewis dan Ekonomi Pembangunan Wisata Gunung Bromo di Desa Ngadisari, Kabupaten Probolinggo, Jawa Timur Tahun 2017-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Puspitarini, Renny Candradewi]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggraini, Isrofiatul]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2018v1i2.137
<![CDATA[In this paper, we will examine if trickle-down effect has ever taken in rural Indonesia. One of the case draws attention in economic development study is poverty and income gap from wealthiest people to the less fortunate larger group of people. The argument goes as trickle-down effect appears to be best solution to eradicate poverty as well as to solve the income gap. Tourism has become of a strategy targeted by government to spread the trickle-down effect to the less fortunate larger group of people. Government believes by sustaining the growth on tourism would accelerate the trickle-down effect and brings less fortunate group of people to better living. In its fundamental theory, trickle- down effect has offered delusion where jobs would be created as the conditions are met. However, this paper argues that even in tourism the trickle-down effect strategy has served less for what it has promised. Through qualitative research in Ngadisari Village, a remote area, where Mount Bromo has been a tourism landmark globally, this paper finds that trickle-down effect has come with little benefit to uplift the living standard of the poor. Thus, trickle- down effect has served only as delusions of growth government has ever aspired.]]>
