Indonesian Journal of International Relations
IJIR is a scientific journal focuses on the issues of states relations both in the regional and international scope. Mostly on, but not limited to, Indonesia and the Southeast Asian region.
IJIR is published by and served as the official journal of the International Relations National Association in Indonesia. It aims to publish high-quality articles as an academic contribution and foreign policy considerations through the dissemination of highly stimulated theoretical and empirical research with a clear methodology for international readers.
Articles
139 Documents
<![CDATA[POLITIK PERDAGANGAN NEGARA-NEGARA AMERIKA UTARA DI TENGAH PESIMISME NAFTA ]]>
<![CDATA[Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum]]>;
<![CDATA[Havidz Ageng Prakoso]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.271
<![CDATA[Abstract President Trump has insisted on reforming NAFTA on the assumption that this agreement does not benefit America. US citizens have lost jobs, potential environmental damage, and large investments in Meksiko limit the possibility of claiming higher wages for low-income workers in the US. Meanwhile, the wage gap for unskilled workers in Meksiko has also increased in proportion to technological advances resulting from the rapid flow of foreign investment in industry. Increased industrialization has contributed significantly to the conversion of agricultural land and the loss of jobs for traditional farmers in Meksiko. The poverty rate in Meksiko in 2014 was higher than the poverty rate in 1994, causing a trend of Mexican immigration to the United States. Based on trade politics theory, this paper aims to examine the positive and negative implications of implementing the free trade agreement and explain the trade politics of member countries to remain committed to North American trade regionalism. The research found that Meksiko benefited from US and Canadian investment in order to reduce unemployment and support the country's capacity as a production base in the region. Kanada is the main supplier of information and communications technology products to America, while the US maintains its position as the sole player in the automotive sector. Renewal of the agreement to UMSCA is the US response to exclude China from market competition in North America.Keywords: America First; FTA; Regionalism Politics AbstrakPresiden Trump bersikeras mereformasi NAFTA dengan asumsi perjanjian ini tidak menguntungkan Amerika. Warga AS telah kehilangan lapangan kerja, potensi kerusakan lingkungan, dan investasi besar di Meksiko membatasi kemungkinan klaim upah yang lebih tinggi untuk pekerja berpenghasilan rendah di AS. Sementara, kesenjangan upah pada tenaga tidak terampil di Meksiko turut meningkat sebanding dengan kemajuan teknologi yang dihasilkan dari derasnya arus investasi asing di bidang industri. Meningkatnya industrialisasi berkontribusi signifikan terhadap alih fungsi lahan pertanian dan hilangnya pekerjaan petani tradisional di Meksiko. Tingkat kemiskinan Meksiko pada tahun 2014 lebih tinggi dari tingkat kemiskinan tahun 1994 sehingga menyebabkan tren imigrasi Meksiko ke Amerika Serikat. Berdasarkan teori politik perdagangan, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah implikasi positif dan negatif implementasi kesepakatan perdagangan bebas dan menjelaskan politik perdagangan negara-negara anggota untuk tetap berkomitmen pada regionalisme perdagangan Amerika Utara. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa Meksiko diuntungkan dari investasi AS dan Kanada dalam rangka mengurangi pengangguran dan mendukung kapasitas negara sebagai basis produksi di kawasan. Kanada menjadi pemasok utama untuk produk teknologi informasi dan komunikasi ke Amerika, sementara AS mempertahankan posisinya sebagai pemain tunggal dalam sektor otomotif. Perbaharuan perjanjian menjadi UMSCA menjadi respon AS untuk mengeksklusi Cina dari persaingan pasar di Amerika Utara.Kata kunci: America First; Perjanjian Perdagangan Bebas; Politik Regionalisme]]>
<![CDATA[INDIA’S GROWING SECURITY ARCHITECTURE IN INDO PACIFIC: A CASE STUDY OF INDO- MAURITIUS CONVERGENCE ]]>
<![CDATA[Subhash Kumar Baitha]]>;
<![CDATA[Souvik Chatterjee]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.295
<![CDATA[The rise of China across the Indian and the Pacific Ocean along with new threats radiating from the maritime domain further consolidates the necessity of maritime security. All the major powers such as India, Japan, the United States, Australia, etc. are giving attention to the Indo-Pacific to counter China’s assertiveness and to protect their maritime interests. Concerning India, the country has adopted three approaches to protect its maritime and geostrategic interests in the Indo-Pacific region. First to directly engage with the regional powers and forums such as ASEAN. Secondly collaborating with small and middle powers such as the Maldives and Sri Lanka, Mauritius, and Seychelles, etc. Finally, engaging in multilateral and multi-sectoral dialogue with global powers such as Australia, Japan, the United States under the ambit of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, commonly called the Quad. Using littoral powers India is in the process of actively extending its reach, interests, and focus to subvert Chinese assertiveness. So based on the stated problem the focus of this paper is to understand the changing trajectory of India’s Indo-Pacific policy with special reference to Mauritius.]]>
<![CDATA[KETERGANTUNGAN LAOS PADA TIONGKOK DALAM EKONOMI DAN PEMBANGUNAN SEBAGAI PENGHAMBAT TERLAKSANANYA PROGRAM REDUCE INEQUALITY ]]>
<![CDATA[Yeni Herliana Yoshida]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.298
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis ketergantungan Laos terhadap China dalam ekonomi dan pembangunan, yang menjadi hambatan bagi terlaksananya reduce inequality sebagai salah satu program Suistainable Development Goals (SDGs). Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, serta menggunakan pendekatan teori ketergantungan dan cobweb model sebagai alat analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ketergantungan Laos terhadap China menyebabkan utang luar negeri Laos meningkat, tetapi kesenjangan di Laos masih cukup tinggi. Proyek Belt Road Initiative (BRI) sangat menguntungkan bagi Laos, karena bisa membantu Laos dalam masalah geografisnya. Namun semakin lama Laos bergantung kepada China, semakin sulit pula bagi Laos untuk bisa berkontribusi dan mewujudkan program berkelajutan, seperti program reduce inequality.]]>
<![CDATA[SEKURITISASI ISU LINGKUNGAN DALAM HAMBATAN PERDAGANGAN SAWIT DI EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Ilham Dary Athallah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.300
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini akan menganalisis proses kemunculan inward-looking syndrome yang bertentangan dengan semangat globalisasi, dalam studi kasus proteksionisme perdagangan terhadap sawit yang dilakukan Uni Eropa lewat kebijakan European Green Deal. Kemunculan kebijakan ini menarik untuk didalami, karena bukan merupakan fenomena tunggal yang sedang terjadi dalam konteks global, yaitu kuatnya resistensi atas semangat perdagangan bebas yang dibawa globalisasi. Selain itu, terdapat perang wacana ketika proteksionisme dagang dijustifikasi dengan narasi bahwa komoditas sawit adalah sumber ancaman dari kerusakan lingkungan, terlepas dari efisiensi sawit dibanding minyak nabati lainnya dan komitmen keberlanjutan yang telah dilakukan Indonesia sebagai produsen sawit terbesar dunia bersama aktor negara produsen sawit lain. Menggunakan teori sekuritisasi, paper ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana sawit diposisikan sebagai existential threat bagi lingkungan hidup, sehingga terjadi upaya sekuritisasi (securitizing move) berupa narasi (speech act) yang mempersepsikan sawit secara negatif. Kebijakan European Green Deal yang berisi langkah-langkah proteksionisme terhadap sawit juga akan dijelaskan sebagai extraordinary measures yang disetujui oleh audiens, karena: 1) telah terbentuk narasi bahwa otoritas perlu melindungi masyarakat sebagai referent object dari ancaman lingkungan yang dinarasikan, 2) didukung kepentingan petani dan perusahaan multinasional di bidang agrikultur sebagai securitizing actor yang menghendaki proteksionisme karena selama ini minyak nabati yang diproduksinya berkompetisi langsung dengan sawit, dan 3) politisi di Komisi Eropa turut menjadi aktor sekuritisasi karena insentif elektoral yang mereka terima ketika mendukung industri dan opini yang populer di mata publik.]]>
<![CDATA[TUNTUTAN MASYARAKAT TERHADAP KELUARNYA TURKI DARI KONVENSI ISTANBUL ]]>
<![CDATA[Femri Resdifianti]]>;
<![CDATA[Dini Septianti Nurkhasanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ratih Kusuma Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.302
<![CDATA[On March 20, 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention, a human rights treaty against violence against women and domestic violence. The decision was inseparable from the demands of the Turkish people in the public sphere, who intensively lobbied the Turkish government to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. This article aims to analyze the influence of Turkish public demands on Turkey's decision to leave the Istanbul Convention using Habermas' public sphere theory. The author first describes Turkey's anti-gender discourse and movement. This anti-gender movement is backed by a pro-Islamic and traditional pro-gender ruling government. President Erdogan even expressed his disapproval of the feminist movement and the concept of gender equality. In addition, the author also describes the political background in Turkey's exit from the Istanbul Convention. The writing method uses a descriptive qualitative approach with a literature review technique. The result of this research is that the Turkish people use the public sphere to form and disseminate public opinion in the form of demands to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. The intense lobbying efforts of the Turkish people in the public sphere show that they can influence and mobilize the state to protect family values in Turkey, thus prompting the Turkish government to decide to leave the Istanbul Convention.]]>
<![CDATA[FROM INDO-PACIFIC CENTRALITY TO STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: ASEAN – US PERSPECTIVE ]]>
<![CDATA[Hino Samuel Jose]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.311
<![CDATA[Indo-Pacific is indeed a versatile region with vast geoeconomic and geopolitical advantages and potentials, with ASEAN at its center. Strategic engagement of countries whether to bandwagon or balance major power’s rivalries are pretty much a pertinent deliberation for the last and next decades to come as the global shifting is now moving towards the Indo-Pacific region. This paper employs qualitative analysis to answer the main contentions of: (1) how minilateralism affects Indo-Pacific, and what ASEAN-US role can be explored; and (2) does ASEAN-US matter and how it could actively find convergences in navigating forward in the rules-based region. The author suggests that looking west and being concerned the east or the other way around can be a sufficient strategy in constructing ASEAN-US engagement amid the rising minilateral groupings and concerns against the “crippled” ASEAN centrality since AUKUS and the recent developments in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT (R2P): PROJECT BEAUTY AND THE QUEST FOR GENDER SECURITY OF CHINESE UYGHUR IN XINJIANG ]]>
<![CDATA[Satria Rizaldi Alchatib]]>;
<![CDATA[Ellen Monica Audrey Suharyanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.316
<![CDATA[Abstract While discourse on minority prosecution has been on the spotlights for quite some years, gender-based violence towards the Uyghur women has been lacks of addresses in international research and policy responses. The Government of China continual negligence and ‘perceived immunity’ from international sanction had ‘sidelined’ the deliberation of various human-rights norms, including and particularly, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), resulting various incidents of gender-based violence in the state of Xinjiang. Based on this premise, this paper seeks to address the omission by reconceptualizing gender security in the context of Uyghur women as a double minority who experienced a structural deconstruction of identity and existence as a consequence of the state-led ‘Project Beauty’ initiative. In addition to this, there has been a lack of reference to the terminology of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) relative to the gender-based violence in general. Therefore, using the context of Uyghur women, this paper aims at investigating the normative force of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and to seek whether the neglect of R2P indicative with large-scale human rights violations as displayed against the Uyghur women. Keywords: Responsibility to Protect (R2P); Gender Security; Human Rights; Uyghur Women Abstrak Diskursus mengenai persekusi minoritas yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Cina telah menjadi sorotan selama berdekade, namun isu kekerasan berbasis gender terhadap perempuan Uyghur sangat kurang teriset dalam disiplin hubungan internasional dan kebijakan luar negeri. Kelalaian Pemerintah Cina dan 'kekebalan’ nya terhadap sanksi internasional telah mendelegitimasi berbagai norma HAM internasional, khususnya Resonsibility to Protect (R2P) yang menyebabkan terjadinya berbagai insiden kekerasan berbasis gender di negara bagian Xinjiang. Berdasarkan premis tersebut, artikel ini berusaha untuk menelaah gap tersebut dengan merekonseptualisasikan keamanan gender dalam konteks wanita Uyghur sebagai double minority (minoritas ganda) yang mengalami dekonstruksi struktural identitas dan eksistensi sebagai konsekuensi dari inisiatif pemerintah Cina 'Project Beauty'. Selain itu, kurangnya referensi mengenai terminologi Responsibility to Protect (R2P) yang berkaitan dengan kekerasan berbasis gender pada umumnya menjadi sangat penting untuk dikaji. Oleh karena itu, dengan menggunakan konteks perempuan Uyghur, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kekuatan Responsibility to Protect (R2P) dan untuk menelaah dan memvalidasi apakah pengabaian terhadap R2P berkorelasi dengan pelanggaran HAM berskala besar seperti yang ditunjukkan terhadap perempuan Uyghur. Kata kunci: Responsibility to Protect (R2P); Keamanan Gender; HAM; Perempuan Uyghur]]>
<![CDATA[TATA KELOLA KOLABORATIF (COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE) PEMBANGUNAN PARIWISATA BAJO MOLA WAKATOBI ]]>
<![CDATA[Faturachman Alputra Sudirman]]>;
<![CDATA[Irma Tri Annisya Tombora]]>;
<![CDATA[La Tarifu]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i1.335
<![CDATA[The development of Bajo Mola tourism aims to encourage the community-based tourism sector in Wakatobi by increasing the capacity of the community to manage tourism businesses and increasing the local economic opinion of the Bajo Mola community. The Bajo Mola tourism development program involves collaboration between the British Council, Bank Mandiri, the Wakatobi District Government and the Mola Village Community to achieve this goal. This study aims to see how the collaborative governance process in Wakatobi tourism development studies on Bajo Mola Tourism. This research uses qualitative research methods. The research results show that the collaborative governance process for tourism development in Bajo Mola Tourism has been going well. Starting with a face-to-face dialogue, building trust until the collaboration process obtains an intermediate outcome, namely increasing the capacity of the community to manage tourism businesses and increasing the income of the people of Bajo Mola Wakatobi Village. Keywords: Collaborative Governance, Tourism Development, Wakatobi]]>
<![CDATA[RANTAI NILAI GLOBAL (GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS) PADA MASA PANDEMI TERKAIT POSISI BUAH JAMBU DAN APEL ]]>
<![CDATA[Cintia Alifta Riyanisa]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 2 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i2.349
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the Global Value Chain position of Indonesian/GVC guavas and apples in the global market, as well as their effect on the Indonesian economy during the pandemic. Guavas and apples that are widely grown in Indonesia have made fruit business players together with the government seek to increase the GVC of guavas and apples. Various obstacles that are still experienced by producers have made Indonesian guava and apple commodities unable to compete optimally in the global market. Until now, the majority of fruit products exported by Indonesia are still in the form of fresh fruit. The research method used is a qualitative method with data collection techniques using interview techniques and literature study. The theory used in this research is International Trade Theory and Global Value Chain Theory. The results of this study are guavas and apples in Indonesia during the pandemic are still exported in the form of fresh fruit. The absence of the implementation of GVC in the two fruits does not have a significant impact on the Indonesian economy]]>
<![CDATA[INCLUSIVE EDUCATION EFFORTS FOR CHILD REFUGEES IN INDONESIA WITHIN MULTI-STAKEHOLDER PARTNERSHIP (MSPS) FRAMEWORK ]]>
<![CDATA[Sri Suwartiningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 2 (2022): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v6i2.359
<![CDATA[This research aims to explain various inclusive education efforts for child refugees in Indonesia within Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships (MSPs) framework involving the government, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and academic sector. By using qualitative research methods and neoliberalism theory, the results show that there are various MSPs collaborations to implement inclusive education for child refugees in Indonesia. These collaborations include collaboration between UNHCR Indonesia, Dompet Dhuafa, Human Initiative, and PKBM schools to provide preparatory classes before entering national schools, collaboration between UNHCR and universities, as well as collaboration between IOM Indonesia and the government through the Rudenim to provide home-schooling for refugees. It concluded that inclusive education efforts for child refugees in Indonesia have been carried out quite well by several actors, but this commitment must continue to be improved by increasing national regulations related to the refugee education and providing legal certificates for refugees who have completed their education child refugees; inclusive education, Multi-Stakeholder Partnership; cross-sector collaboration.]]>
