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Published by Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara dan Pengelolaan Perpustakaan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

ISSN : 18297706 EISSN : 25481657 DOI : https://doi.org/10.31078/jk1841

Core Subject : Humanities, Social,

Humanities Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice

The aims of this journal is to provide a venue for academicians, researchers and practitioners for publishing the original research articles or review articles. The scope of the articles published in this journal deal with a broad range of topics in the fields of Constitutional Law and another section related contemporary issues in law.

Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Hukum

Articles 584 Documents

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Metode Tafsir Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Pengujian Konstitusional Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja Dodi Haryono
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol. 18 No. 4 (2021)
Publisher : Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia

The use of the constitutional interpretation method by the judges of the Indonesian Constitutional Court (MK-RI) in their decision’s consideration (ratio decidendi) determine the decisions quality, therefore it must be chosen appropriately. In the context of Indonesian rule of law, the use of constitutional interpretation method should be implemented holistically, integrative, and using a dynamic approach, that must be harmonized with the Pancasila. This article is aimed to explain and analyze the use of constitutional interpretation method in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 regarding the Formal Constitutional Review of Law Number 11 of 2020 concerning Job Creation, as well as its theoretical implications. This article also proposes a new approach for constitutional interpretation method which is expected to strengthen the normative legitimacy and justification of the MK-RI decisions in the future. The method of analyses used in this article is the legal normative analyses with a conceptual approach. Finally, this article concludes that the method of constitutional interpretation in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 is considered as eclecticism. Using the new approach, the decision has also fulfilled the principles of holistic, integrative and dynamic constitutional interpretation based on Pancasila. For this reason, the Constitutional Court Decision Number 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 deserves to be used as one of the Landmark Decisions at the Indonesian Constitutional Court. However, the eclecticism approach wich is used by Indonesian Constitutional Court to interpret the constitution still needs to be developed in order to increase the normative of legitimacy and justification of decisions quality. In addition, that approach must also be linked to Pancasila both as a rechtsidee and staatsfundamentalnorm of the Indonesian state.

Kedudukan dan Pengujian Konstitusionalitas Peraturan Desa dalam Peraturan Perundang-undangan Putera Astomo
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Peraturan Desa adalah peraturan perundang-undangan yang dibentuk oleh Kepala Desa setelah dibahas dan disepakati bersama Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD). Salah satu ciri Peraturan Desa sebagai peraturan perundang-undangan adalah dapat diuji apabila bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi. Masalah-masalah yang dapat dirumuskan meliputi: 1) bagaimana kedudukan Peraturan Desa dalam peraturan perundang-undangan? 2) bagaimana bentuk pengujian konstitusionalitas Peraturan Desa dalam peraturan perundang-undangan? Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa Peraturan Desa termasuk peraturan perundang-undangan karena memiliki ciri-ciri: bersifat tertulis, dibentuk lembaga yang berwenang, bersifat umum, dan abstrak, serta dapat diuji apabila bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi. Selanjutnya, pengujian konstitusionalitas Peraturan Desa dalam bentuk executive review berupa pengawasan dilakukan dengan memberikan kewenangan kepada Bupati atau Walikota untuk mengawasi Peraturan Desa dan dapat membatalkannya apabila bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi dan atau kepentingan umum.Village Rules are legislation laws established by the Headman after being discussed and agreed by the Village Parliament. One of the characteristics of Village Rules as legislation laws is it can be reviewed if it is against the higher laws. The problems that can be formulated include: 1) How is the position of Village Rules in legislation? 2) How is the form of constitutional review of the Village Rules in legislation? The results of the study indicates that the Village Rules include as legislation laws because they have the characteristics of: written, established by the authorized institution, general and abstract, and can be reviewed if they are against the higher laws. Furthermore, the constitutional review of Village Rules in the form of executive review through supervision is done by granting authority to the Regent or the Mayor to supervise the Village Rules and may revoke them if those are against the higher laws and or public interest.

Diskursus antara Kedudukan Delik Pencucian Uang sebagai Independent Crime dengan sebagai Follow Up Crime Pasca Putusan MK Nomor 90/PUU-XIII/2015 Muh. Afdal Yanuar
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 16, No 4 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Sebagai tindak pidana lanjutan (follow up crime), kedudukan tindak pidana pencucian uang dilihat berdasarkan terjadinya tindak pidana tersebut secara faktual. Akan tetapi, jika cara memandang Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang sebagai follow up crime seperti itu dipertahankan dalam hal pembuktian, maka riskan untuk membuat tidak efektifnya pembuktian terhadap Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang dalam keadaan-keadaan tertentu, utamanya dalam hal materiele dader tindak pidana asal tersebut sedang berstatus DPO. Oleh sebab itu, dimunculkanlah sebuah ide yang pada pokoknya menghendaki agar dalam keadaan demikian, masih dimungkinkan untuk dibuktikan tindak pidana pencucian uangnya. Konsep itu disebut dengan istilah independent crime, yang melihat kedudukan TPPU dari perspektif unsur esensial dari delik pencucian uang, dan dari perspektif pembuktian tindak pidana pencucian uang itu sendiri. Dan hal tersebut juga tidak menyalahi apa yang tertuang dalam Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No 90/PUU-XIII/2015, sebagaimana dalam ratio decidendi putusan tersebut Mahkamah menyatakan bahwa frasa "tidak wajib dibuktikan terlebih dahulu" bukan berarti tidak perlu dibuktikan sama sekali tindak pidana asalnya, namun TPPU tidak perlu menunggu lama sampai perkara pidana asalnya diputus atau telah memperoleh kekuatan hukum tetap.As a follow up crime, money laundering offences are seen factually based on the offences done. However, if this perspective about money laundering as a follow up crime is maintained in the trial process perspective, it would be very risky of making the Money Laundering’s proofs in the court. Some may become ineffective in certain circumstances, especially in term of the materiele dader of predicate offences have declared as a fugitive. For that reason, an idea is created which in essence allow to, in such circumstances, prove his/her money laundering offences. This concept is recognized as the concept of “independent crime”, which sees the crime of money laundering from the essential element of money laundering offense, and from the proofing perspective of the money laundering itself. This is also in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court number 90/PUU-XII/2015, where in the ratio decidendi of the decision, the Constitutional Court declared that the phrase “not obligated to be proven first” does not mean that there is no obligation at all to prove the original offense, instead it means that for it to continue its legal proceeding, but that does not have to wait for the original offense to be sentenced or has received permanent legal force.

Analisis Kontruksi Struktural dan Kewenangan DPR dalam Fungsi Legislasi Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 Ahmad Yani
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Indonesia telah mengalami empat kali amandemen terhadap UUD 1945, dimana amandemen tersebut memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap kewenangan DPR dalam menjalankan fungsi legislasi. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum deskriptif yuridis analitis, dengan menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, dan melalui studi kepustakaan terhadap literatur yang berkaitan dengan kewenangan DPR dalam fungsi legislasi. Sehingga dalam tulisan ini penulis membahas mengenai implikasi mekanisme perubahan UUD 1945 terhadap struktur dan kewenangan DPR serta dinamika politik dan kepentingan adanya perubahan kewenangan DPR dalam Legislasi DPR berdasarkan UUD 1945. Perubahan konstitusi hingga peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dibawahnya saat ini telah menempatkan DPR pada posisi lemah. Lemahnya fungsi DPR dalam pembuatan undang-undang juga diakibatkan dengan kondisi parlemen dengan konflik kekuasaan antara pemerintah dan partai politik. Konflik yang disebabkan karena adanya keinginan untuk menguasai posisi dalam pimpinan di DPR, Komisi dan Alat Kelengkapan Dewan lainnya.Indonesia has experienced four amendments to the Constitution, in which the amendment has a major influence on the authority of People’s Representative Assembly (DPR) in carrying out its legislative functions. This research is a descriptive juridical analytical research, using normative juridical approach, and through library research of literature related to DPR’s authority in legislative function. In this research the author discusses the mechanism implications from The amended 1945 Constitution on the structure and the DPR’s authority. The author also discusses about political dynamics and interests for change in the DPR’s authority in Legislation based on the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional amendments to the relevant legislation under it have placed the DPR in a weak position. The weak function of the House of Representatives in the law drafting is also due to the condition of parliament with the conflict of power between the government and political parties. The conflicts were caused by the desire to control positions in the leadership of the DPR, Comissions and other Councils.

Analisis Perbandingan Peran Kamar Kedua Parlemen dan Kekuasaan Kehakiman dalam Proses Pemberhentian Presiden Pan Mohamad Faiz; Muhammad Erfa Redhani
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Proses pemakzulan atau pemberhentian Presiden menurut UUD 1945 melibatkan secara aktif tiga lembaga negara berbeda, yaitu DPR, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan MPR. Proses akhir dari pemberhentian Presiden bukanlah di tangan Mahkamah Konstitusi, namun terletak pada sidang istimewa MPR yang terdiri dari anggota DPR dan anggota DPD. Dengan demikian, anggota MPR yang berasal dari anggota DPD sebenarnya memiliki peran terbatas secara perorangan untuk turut serta menentukan pemberhentian Presiden karena tidak melibatkan DPD secara kelembagaan sebagai kamar kedua parlemen (second chamber). Oleh karenanya, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan analisis perbandingan mengenai sejauh mana peran kamar kedua parlemen dan kekuasaan kehakiman dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden di lima belas negara berbeda, baik terhadap negara yang menggunakan sistem pemerintahan presidensial, sistem parlementer, ataupun sistem campuran. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui pendekatan perbandingan konstitusi dengan bersumber pada studi kepustakaan. Berdasarkan analisis perbandingan yang dilakukan maka diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa kamar kedua parlemen di banyak negara memiliki peran sangat penting dalam menentukan pemberhentian Presiden. Kemudian, sebagian besar negara yang diteliti juga turut melibatkan kekuasaan kehakimannya melalui Mahkamah Konstitusi, Mahkamah Agung, atau Dewan Konstitusi. Lembaga ini menilai usulan atau dakwaan dari parlemen mengenai bersalah atau tidaknya Presiden atas dugaan pelanggaran konstitusi atau kejahatan pidana lainnya. Meskipun demikian, negara-negara tersebut umumnya tetap menyerahkan keputusan akhir mengenai pemberhentian Presiden kepada parlemen.The impeachment process against the President according to the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia actively involves three different state institutions, namely the House of Representative (DPR), the Constitutional Court (MK), and the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR). The final process of the impeachment in Indonesia is not in the hand of the Constitutional Court, but it lies in a Special Session of the MPR consisting of members of the DPR and members of the Regional Representative Council (DPD). Thus, the individual role of the MPR members who come from the DPD members to participate in determining the impeachment of the President is limited because it does not involve the DPD institutionally as the second chamber of parliament. Therefore, this research aims to provide a comparative analysis concerning the roles of the second chamber of parliament and judicial power in the impeachment process against the President in fifteen countries that implement three different systems of government, which are the presidential system, the parliamentary system, and the semi-presidential system. This research used a qualitative method and a comparative constitutional approach based on a literature study. It concluded that the second chamber of parliament in various countries has very important roles in deciding the impeachment process of the President. Moreover, the judicial powers through the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court or the Constitutional Council also involved in deciding whether the President is guilty of the alleged violations against the constitution or common criminal offenses. Nevertheless, in most of the countries studied, the final decision on the impeachment process based on the Court’s decision is still given to the parliament.

Pembatasan Hak Bagi Mantan Terpidana Korupsi Menjadi Calon Kepala Daerah Donal Fariz
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 17, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Election as an instrument of elite circulation actually creates another problem, namely corruption. A strict of legal instrument is needed to arrange nominations for candidates for public officials, one of which is the head of the region in order to obtain qualified candidates with integrity to be elected by voters. One form is by limiting the rights of former convicted corruption cases to be able to run for candidates for regional head. These restrictions are permitted conceptually and are emphasized through a number of decisions of the Constitutional Court. Research questions in this paper consist of: first, how are the problems of corruption and democracy that occur in Indonesia? Second, how are the concepts and regulation on the right of politics? Third, how are the development of the decisions of the Constitutional Court related to the right for former convicts of corruption to run for candidates as regional heads? This research uses the normative juridical method.

Gelap-Terang Panca Sila: Otokritik Atas Teks Sejarah Yang Melenceng Susanto Polamolo
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Indonesia pernah melalui masa sulit di rezim Orde Baru. Kala itu, segala sesuatu yang paralel dengan khususnya sejarah seputar perumusan dasar negara (Panca Sila), menjadi begitu sulit untuk diperoleh, apalagi untuk mengemukakan fakta yang sebenarnya. Penelusuran dokumen-dokumen sejarah begitu minim didukung pemerintah, dokumen-dokumen itupun tercecer di mana-mana, publik hanya diedukasi dengan pendidikan sejarah dari para sejarawan versi pemerintah saja. Bukan karena Orde Baru telah menjadi masa lalu, tetapi, karena apa yang disebut sebagai sumber-sumber primer perlu diperiksa kembali. Di antaranya seperti: Naskah UUD 1945, yang disusun M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI yang disusun oleh Sekretariat Negara; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, yang disusun oleh Nugroho Notosusanto (dkk); Piagam Jakarta, yang disusun oleh Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, yang disusun oleh Pranarka. Sumber-sumber ini diam-diam diterima, dan diam-diam pula diakui bermasalah, atau diragukan keotentikannya. Persoalan tersebut semakin diperjelas dengan temuan sejumlah arsip oleh para sejarawan tata negara seperti A.B. Kusuma, di mana sebelumnya, “Panitia Lima” (1975) telah pula menegaskan bahwa sumber-sumber yang dipakai pemerintah tidak valid, di antaranya adalah naskah yang disusun M. Yamin. Maka, sejarah perumusan Panca Sila kadang berada di jalan bersimpang, simpang batas-tegas pertentangan tentang keotentikan sumber sejarah, menjadi tugas utama agar sumber-sumber tersebut diuji satu dengan lainnya (metode heuristik dan konklusi eksplanatoris). Agar mengerucut satu kesimpulan yang utuh dan sistematis mengenai sejarah perumusan dasar negara dan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dikemukakan di dalamnya menjadi satu kesatuan pemahaman atas kenyataan, dan agar menguatkan sendi-sendi konstitusionalitas kita hari ini yang mulai tercerabut dari akar sejarahnya, bagaikan “inang yang dipaksa berpisah dari induknya”.Indonesia had been through a difficult period in the “Orde Baru” regime. At that time, everything parallel with history especially around the basic principle of the state (Panca Sila) became so difficult to obtain, especially to express the facts. The tracking of historical documents was so poorly endorsed by the government. The documents were scattered everywhere. The public was only educated with historical education from only government version historians. Not because the “Orde Baru” has become the past, but, because the so-called primary sources need to be checked again. Among them are: Naskah UUD 1945, compiled by M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI, prepared by State Secretariat; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, compiled by Nugroho Notosusanto (et.al); Piagam Jakarta, prepared by Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, prepared by Pranarka. The above sources are secretly accepted, and secretly admittedly problematic, or are doubted the authenticity. The issue was further clarified by the findings of archives by state historians such as A.B. Kusuma, in which before, the “Panitia Lima” (1975) had also asserted that the sources used by the government were invalid, one of them was the text compiled by M. Yamin. Thus, the history of Panca Sila sometimes in a stray way of disputes about the historical sources authenticity. That became the primary task for which resources were tested against each other (heuristic methods and explanatory conclusions). In order to conceal a whole and systematic conclusion about the history of the basic formulation of the state and the ideas expressed in it become a unity of understanding of reality, in order to strengthen the joints of our constitutionality today which begins to be uprooted from its historical roots, like “a host which is forced to apart from its main”.

Refraksi Yuridis Penetapan Program Legislasi Nasional di DPR RI Fajriyah, Mira
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 1 (2016)
Publisher : Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

Prolegnas is a law developmental transformation after the amendment of UUD NRI 1945. However, the effectuation of Prolegnasâ€™s decree by DPR RI always shows the less of law reformation level, either on qualitative measure or the quantitative. This research has a focus to arrange a law prescription of juridical refraction onÂ the effectuation of Prolegnasâ€™s decree by DPR RI. The research explains the peak of trouble of the effectuation of Prolegnasâ€™s decree, consists of low level of consistency and realization, the incompatibility between Prolegnasâ€™s substances and mandated by legislation and the list of draft bill which not based on an academic research. Those are a logical clause of two juridical refraction stages, viz, formal concession and substance concession (prospective Â orientation).

Konstitusionalitas Hak Perguruan Tinggi untuk Mengelola Kekayaan Negara Luthfi Widagdo Eddyono
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 15, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Pada 12 Desember 2013, Mahkamah Konstitusi telah memutuskan perkara 103/PUU-X/2012. Perkara tersebut diajukan oleh para mahasiswa hukum dari Universitas Andalas yang pada pokoknya mempersoalkan salah satunya terkait dengan konstitusionalitas hak pengelolaan kekayaan negara kepada perguruan tinggi yang sejatinya memang rentan untuk disalahgunakan. Tulisan ini akan mengkaji putusan tersebut, serta putusan atas isu-isu lainnya untuk melihat keterkaitan satu sama lain seperti mengenai konstitusionalitas penyelenggaraan perguruan tinggi negeri badan hukum. Tulisan ini juga mengaitkan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut dengan putusan-putusan sebelumnya secara komprehensif. Pada akhirnya, Mahkamah Konstitusi telah menyatakan penyerahan hak pengelolaan kekayaan negara kepada perguruan tinggi adalah konstitusional, selama kepemilikan atas kekayaan negara tersebut tidak dialihkan dan pelaksanaannya dilakukan sesuai dengan persyaratan yang ditentukan oleh pemerintah. Walau demikian, fakta yang terungkap dalam persidangan, pemerintah justru telah memberi “fleksibilitas” dalam tata kelola dan manajemen keuangan perguruan tinggi, baik dalam pengalokasian maupun dalam penggunaan dana baik yang bersumber dari APBN maupun dari sumber-sumber pendanaan lainnya yang tentu saja rentan untuk disalahgunakan, sehingga penulis merekomendasikan urgensinya pengaturan tata kelola perguruan tinggi agar terhindar dari penyalahgunaan pengelolaan dan termasuk pencegahan atas tindakan koruptif.On December 12, 2013, the Constitutional Court has ruled the case 103/PUU-X/2012. The case was filed by law students from the University of Andalas who questioned related to the constitutionality of the right of the management of state assets handled by universities that are actually vulnerable to misuse. This paper will examine the decision, as well as the decision on other issues to see the interrelationship of each other such as the constitutionality of the organization of state universities legal entities. This paper also links the Decision with previous decisions in a comprehensive description. Ultimately, the Constitutional Court has declared that the transfer of state property rights to universities is constitutional, as long as the ownership of the state’s property is not transferred and its execution is carried out in accordance with the requirements stipulated by the government. Nevertheless, the facts revealed in the trial even the government has given “flexibility” in the management and financial management of universities, both in the allocation and in the use of funds either sourced from the state budget or from other sources of funding which of course vulnerable to abuse. That is why the author recommend the urgency of governance regulations of universities to avoid misuse of management and including the prevention of corrupt acts.

Fenomena Calon Tunggal dalam Pesta Demokrasi Rumesten RS, Iza
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 13, No 1 (2016)
Publisher : Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

Concurrent local elections to be held in December 2015, characterized by the dynamics of democracy and new political dynamics. Dynamics it is the birth of a single candidate in several areas that will carry out the election. It is on the one hand shows that the dynamics of democracy in the country increasingly show progress and our society is increasingly â€œliteracyâ€ and political savvy, but on the other hand it raises a new problem, namely whether the elections will be postponed or published decree. This happens because the legislators did not expect the birthÂ Â of a single candidate. This fact shows that the lawmakers have not been able to make laws that meet the philosophical and sociological aspects of that legislation was well received presence in the midst of society without conflict and live longer. Because it is common to occur in Indonesia legislation only whole corn.Issues to be addressed in this study is what legal remedies in the face of a single candidate and how the legal steps to prevent the birth of a single candidate in the elections. This study is a normative legal research, using qualitative juridical analysis. The result showed that the legal solutions that can be done to deal with a single candidate isÂ to 1). Exposes a single candidate with an empty tube, 2). Delay the election untilÂ Â the election outright in 2017. 3). Published the decree. While the legal steps thatÂ can be taken to prevent the birth of a single candidate is 1. Revise election laws, by adding specific chapter or article concerning a single candidate, 2. Increasing political education for the public and political party cadres and prepare the mature cadre in the partyâ€™s Â internal.

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Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara dan Pengelolaan Perpustakaan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 6, Jakarta 10110 Telp: (021) 23529000 Fax: (021) 3520177 E-mail: jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

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Home Page

OAI Link

Editorial Team

Contact

Reviewer

Google Scholar

Contact Name Abdul Basid Fuadi

Contact Email jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

Phone +6281215312967

Journal Mail Official jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

Editorial Address Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara dan Pengelolaan Perpustakaan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 6, Jakarta 10110 Telp: (021) 23529000 Fax: (021) 3520177 E-mail: jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

Location Kota adm. jakarta pusat, Dki jakarta INDONESIA

Abstract

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Contact Name
Abdul Basid Fuadi

Contact Email
jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

Phone
+6281215312967

Journal Mail Official
jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

Editorial Address
Pusat Penelitian dan Pengkajian Perkara dan Pengelolaan Perpustakaan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 6, Jakarta 10110 Telp: (021) 23529000 Fax: (021) 3520177 E-mail: jurnalkonstitusi@mkri.id

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Kota adm. jakarta pusat,

Dki jakarta

INDONESIA