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Johni R. V. Korwa
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The International Relations Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Cenderawasih University. Jl. Kamp Wolker, Jayapura, Papua, Indonesia, 99351
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Papua Journal Of Diplomacy And International Relations
Published by Universitas Cenderawasih
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27970957     DOI : https://doi.org/10.31957/
Core Subject : Economy, Humanities, Social,
Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Environmental Science Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations (PJDIR) is an open-access, peer-reviewed journal published by the International Relations Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Cenderawasih University, in collaboration with the Indonesian Association for International Relations (AIHII). As a region located strategically between Asia and the Pacific, the International Relations Study Program in Papua is committed to becoming a research center of excellence for disseminating original articles. This journal accepts articles covering the issues in the field of diplomacy and international relations from researchers and practitioners with interests in those issues. The PJDIR is published twice a year in May and November. The focus and scope of Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations (PJDIR) are listed below, but not limited to: Diplomacy International Security International Political Economy Transnational Issues Foreign Policy Analysis Conflict Resolution Regional Studies International Border Human Rights in International Relations Gender in International Relations Other issues related to Diplomacy and International Relations
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 5 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol 2, No 2 (2022)" : 5 Documents clear
Assessing the Development Impact of the Sota Border Post Connecting Indonesia and Papua New Guinea Nicholas Metherall; Diego Romario De Fretes; Feby Mandibondibo; Talei Caucau
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations (PJDIR) Vol 2, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Cenderawasih University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (469.553 KB) | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2209

Abstract

Although some studies have mentioned land use and land cover across the borderlands of New Guinea, there have not yet been a series of systematic studies that link the topic with the construction of the Sota border post (Pos Lintas Batas Negara–“PLBN Sota”). With reference to realism, liberalism and asymmetrical power relations, this study examines the development impacts of the Sota border post. A set of interdisciplinary mixed-methods approaches are used including geospatial and earth observation analysis, collation of bureau of statistics data as well as academic and grey literature review. Results provide a baseline land cover assessment for the study area surrounding the Sota border post. There have also been a range of socio-economic and biophysical impacts of the infrastructural and immigration capacities along the Southern borderlands of New Guinea. In terms of international relations, the presence of the Sota border post is expected to foster cooperation between Indonesia and PNG, decrease conflict, and promote stability in the border area. As a result, both realism and liberalism can be used as theoretical frameworks to understand the trajectory of developments along the borderlands. However, due to the asymmetries of power, the rhetoric of liberalism may be rendered less convincing.KEYWORDS:Asymmetries of Power; Indonesia and PNG; International Relations; Land Cover and Land Use Change; Sota Border Post 
China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy Petrus K. Farneubun
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Cenderawasih University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (640.603 KB) | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234

Abstract

This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift 
Diplomatic Bluff against Indonesia’s G20 Presidency amid the Ukraine - Russia Conflict: A View from Political Psychology Ogi Nanda Raka Ade Candra Nugraha; Arum Pramesti Wirawati; Muhammad Erwan Syah; Danang Prasetyo; Frega Ferdinand Wenas Inkiriwang
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Cenderawasih University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (453.243 KB) | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2241

Abstract

Political psychology has a pivotal role in the discipline of international relations, particularly in handling the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The conflict severely affects all global aspects, from the economic to security, including Indonesia’s G20 Presidency. This study aims to analyze how political psychology contributes to reducing or becoming the key to the performance of the Indonesian G20 Presidency in conjunction with the Russia–Ukraine conflict and diplomatic bluff by some countries. With descriptive qualitative research methods, and data collection techniques with literature studies from books, journals, and webpage news, data were analyzed, and conclusions were drawn. The Russia–Ukraine conflict not only threatens international peace and security order but also challenges Indonesia’s G20 presidency as Russian Vladimir Putin gets invited to attend the summit. This article used the Tree Model, offering three mechanisms by prioritizing psychopolitics and psychoanalysis, which can be a reference for conflict resolution. This tree model is expected to be applied in response to the Russia–Ukraine conflict, bridge differences between all G20 members, and help Indonesia be well-prepared and successful for the summit.KEYWORDSDiplomatic Bluff; G20 Presidency; Political Psychology; Russia–Ukraine Conflict
The Effectiveness of Indomalphi Trilateral Cooperation in Reducing Maritime Piracy by Abu Sayyaf Group in the Sulu-Sulawesi Sea Ismah Rustam; Sirwan Yazid Bustami; Kinanti Rizsa Sabilla
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Cenderawasih University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (531.696 KB) | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2247

Abstract

This article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of the maritime patrol regime (Indomalphi regime) in reducing piracy cases of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Sulu Sea and Sulawesi Sea involving Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines. Referring to the concept of regime effectiveness, it was found that the Indomalphi regime was proven effective in reducing the number of maritime cases in the Sulu and Sulawesi seas. The effectiveness of the regime is formed by a combination of four positive factors: (1) the regime is not classified as benign, indicating no inconsistencies, asymmetries, and cumulative splits in the formation of the Indomalphi regime; (2) the regime has a good problem-solving capacity because of epistemic community support that tightly integrated into the regime; (3) level of collaboration between the regime members is high, indicated by member’s compliance to the standard operating procedure (SOP) of the Indomalphi’s patrols even though there is no sanctions mechanism; (4) the regime facing a political context which provides an advantage with indicated by smooth cooperation during the process of Indomalphi cooperation even the three countries have sovereign sentiments and maritime territorial conflicts.KEYWORDSAbu Sayyaf Group; Indomalphi; Maritime Piracy; Regime Effectiveness; Sulu-Sulawesi Sea
Pendekatan Diplomasi Energi Tiongkok Terhadap Venezuela Yafie Shahna; Rika Isnarti
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol 2, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Cenderawasih University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (492.093 KB) | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.1982

Abstract

China remains the country with the most oil and gas consumption in the world. To meet its oil demand, China began exploring and diversifying imports. Venezuela is one of the countries that have close relations with China regarding trade and cooperation in the energy sector. In this regard, Venezuela requires China as an alternative source of oil trade export revenue after the sanctions imposed by the United States. This article analyzes China’s energy diplomacy in order to meet its demand for oil from Venezuela. By using the energy diplomacy concept, this study concludes that China’s energy diplomacy toward Venezuela is mostly carried out through a joint fund assistance system between China and Venezuela, known as the China-Venezuelan Joint Fund. The formation of the agreement is a form of guarantee for China in ensuring Venezuela would fulfill its obligations to export energy to China. Meanwhile, financial assistance from the cooperation agreement is also utilized to develop Venezuela’s energy infrastructure, thereby enhancing strategic relations between the two countries.KEYWORDSChina; China-Venezuelan Joint Fund; Energy Diplomacy; Venezuela

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