cover
Contact Name
Johni R. V. Korwa
Contact Email
johnikorwa@gmail.com
Phone
+6282199251848
Journal Mail Official
pjdir.uncen2021@gmail.com
Editorial Address
The International Relations Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Cenderawasih University. Jl. Kamp Wolker, Jayapura, Papua, Indonesia, 99351
Location
Kota jayapura,
P a p u a
INDONESIA
Papua Journal Of Diplomacy And International Relations
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27970957     DOI : https://doi.org/10.31957/
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations (PJDIR) is an open-access, peer-reviewed journal published by the International Relations Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Cenderawasih University, in collaboration with the Indonesian Association for International Relations (AIHII). As a region located strategically between Asia and the Pacific, the International Relations Study Program in Papua is committed to becoming a research center of excellence for disseminating original articles. This journal accepts articles covering the issues in the field of diplomacy and international relations from researchers and practitioners with interests in those issues. The PJDIR is published twice a year in May and November. The focus and scope of Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations (PJDIR) are listed below, but not limited to: Diplomacy International Security International Political Economy Transnational Issues Foreign Policy Analysis Conflict Resolution Regional Studies International Border Human Rights in International Relations Gender in International Relations Other issues related to Diplomacy and International Relations
Articles 7 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)" : 7 Documents clear
Ethnic Kurdish Revolutionary Movement for the Formation of Democratic Confederalism in the Region of Rojava Sikky, Rahmat
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4106

Abstract

The ethnic Kurds play a critical role in the formation of the Democratic Confederalism government in the autonomous region of Rojava. For decades, they have faced oppression and disenfranchisement in Turkey, Syria, Iran, and Iraq. However, the present article focuses on the Kurds of Syria, given that the formation of the current autonomous government of Rojava is in an area that used to be territorially under the authority of Syria. This article aims to explain the revolutionary movement of the Kurds and the conflicts they experienced until encountering the concept of democratic confederalism. Using a qualitative method, this article argues that the Kurdish ethnic revolutionary movement is an ideological movement that utilizes the concept of democratic confederalism as a response to systemic oppression by the state. The concept is derived from Abdullah Ocalan’s anarchist ideology, inspired by Murray Bookchin. It promotes inclusivity and diversity in governance and adopted as a model of governance in Rojava which allows the active participation of various religious, ethnic, and minority groups in political, economic, democratic, and governmental processes.  KEYWORDS  Ethnic Kurds;  Democratic  Confederalism;  Revolutionary Movement; Rojava
Saudi Vision 2030: Public Diplomacy Efforts Through Transfer of Top European Football Players to the Saudi Arabian League Indra Tamsyah; Sohyb , Muh Nizar; Manggarsari, Yuniarsih
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4154

Abstract

Saudi Arabia is striving to reduce its dependence on state revenue derived from oil. In this effort, Saudi Arabia formulated Vision 2030, which serves as the framework for their economic reforms. This research aims to elaborate on Saudi Arabia's public diplomacy efforts to introduce their economic transformation plan. To obtain accurate answers, this research employs public diplomacy theory using a qualitative descriptive method along with secondary data sources. The research findings indicate that Saudi Arabia conducts public diplomacy in three ways. First, the management of news related to Vision 2030 is carried out by an agency called the Saudi Press Agency (SPA), which is owned by the Saudi government. Second, creating an official website and social media for Vision 2030 that contains comprehensive information related to Vision 2030 so that it can be accessed by the general public. Then, Saudi Arabia will also host the Great Future Initiative Campaign, which will begin in May 2024 and is planned to last for 12 months, with the main goal of fostering a strong partnership between Saudi Arabia and the UK in the fields of economy and development, as well as potential sectors. Third, Saudi Arabia is building good relationships with important and influential actors, in this case, the top European players who have moved to the Saudi Pro League. Players like Cristiano Ronaldo are a major attraction that helps promote Saudi Arabia in general, as well as several tourism projects being undertaken by Saudi Arabia as part of Vision 2030. KEYWORDS Public Diplomacy; Saudi Arabia; Vision 2030.
Dari Dublin ke Ramallah: Analisis Tiga Level Masukan Dalam Pengakuan Irlandia atas Kedaulatan Palestina Pada Tahun 2024 Bhirawa, Raden Bagus Rusydannu Risysya; Mutmainah, Dian
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4197

Abstract

Ireland’s long-standing position as one of EU’s most vocal members of Palestinian rights and statehood took a huge leap when it decided to recognize the state of Palestine on May 2024. However, Ireland is far from being considered an enemy of Israel, as both countries share diplomatic and economic ties for decades. Despite economic threats from Israel and limited support in Europe, Ireland firmly stood by its decision along with Norway and Spain. To understand this decision, Charles W. Kegley & Shannon L. Blanton has laid out a useful framework to analyse inputs contributing to a transnational actor’s foreign policy, which are: global conditions, its internal characteristics, and actor leadership. Using this framework, this article argues that leadership, particularly by Simon Harris and his party, Fine Gael was the key driver, grounded in past policy, diplomatic coordination, and the context of the 2024 early elections. This study concludes that several inputs contribute to this decision, namely; a global uproar against Israel’s military aggression in Gaza post October 7th, an ever-strong pro-Palestine tide in the Irish public, its small-state characteristics, and Simon Harris’ recent ascension to power. KEYWORDS Ireland; Foreign Policy; Palestinian Statehood; Palestine-Israel
Program Early Grade Literacy (EGL): Bukti Kolaborasi Efektif antara Pemerintah Indonesia dan UNICEF untuk Pendidikan Papua Hastira, Muhammad Fajhriyadi; Hastira, Muh. Fichriyadi; Mangiri, Gabriela Karunia
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4485

Abstract

This article aims to discuss the Indonesian government’s efforts to establish international cooperation in the education sector, with a particular focus on United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). It particularly examines how UNICEF can contribute to addressing literacy challenges in Merauke District, Papua—one of the areas where students exhibit low reading and writing skills in the early years of primary education. From an international relations perspective, it highlights how education diplomacy can strengthen local capabilities through global cooperation, exemplified by UNICEF’s Early Grade Literacy Program. Drawing on interviews and program report analysis, this study revealed a significant reduction in non-readers, from almost half to less than a quarter, while the number of students who could read and comprehend texts fluently almost doubled. Creative engagement, like the use of songs, teaching aids, and parent education campaigns, proved the effectiveness of international cooperation at a local scale. These findings not only support the inclusive education targets in the SDGs but also reinforce the strategic role of education diplomacy in addressing disparities in marginalized areas.  KEYWORDS Education; Indonesia; International Cooperation; Papua; UNICEF
Post-Sovereign and Subaltern Diplomacy: A Postcolonialism Comparative Analysis of Papua, Catalonia, and Kurdistan Setyaka, Virtuous
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4596

Abstract

This article examines the dynamics of non-state diplomacy practiced by subaltern communities in postcolonial contexts. Using a comparative study of Papua, Catalonia, and Kurdistan, it explores how these communities leverage diaspora networks and digital diplomacy to gain international support, resist state hegemony, and challenge the global order that disproportionately favors state sovereignty. Employing a postcolonial framework, the article analyzes how subaltern groups use social media, transnational forums, and diaspora networks to create symbolic resistance and push back against dominant political narratives. The study is based on secondary data, including reports from international organizations, media publications, and digital activity analyses. The article argues that while subaltern diplomatic strategies have gained effectiveness, especially through the use of social media and the mobilization of diasporas, substantial obstacles remain in achieving wider international recognition. These challenges largely stem from the entrenched dominance of powerful states and an international system that prioritizes state sovereignty over subaltern claims. KEYWORDS   Catalonia; Papua; Kurdistan; Post- Sovereign; Subaltern Diplomacy
Kebijakan Migrasi yang Responsif terhadap Gender sebagai Alat Kebijakan Luar Negeri Spanyol di Wilayah Mediterania (2020-2024) Septania, Aulia Surya; Riyanto, Sugeng
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4796

Abstract

This study examines Spain’s gender-responsive migration policy as a foreign policy tool between 2020 and 2024, with a focus on the Mediterranean region. Using qualitative methods, VOS viewer analysis, and the frameworks of foreign policy analysis, image theory, and soft power, the research analyses how Spain embeds feminist and human rights values into migration governance to enhance its international image and normative legitimacy. Findings show that Spain increasingly employs migration policy not only to regulate cross-border mobility but also to project itself as a democratic and progressive actor, thereby strengthening its soft power and role as a normative leader in Global North-South relations. Nonetheless, the study identifies a gap between symbolic commitments and practical implementation, hindered by institutional fragmentation, weak gender-sensitive infrastructure, and rising domestic resistance. Despite these obstacles, Spain’s gender-responsive migration diplomacy illustrates a significant model for ethical diplomacy, nation branding, and feminist foreign policy in a contested global order. KEYWORDS Foreign policy; Gender-responsive migration; Mediterranean; Soft power; Spain
Assessing Papua New Guinea’s Bid for ASEAN Membership: A Constructivist View Renyoet, Claudia C.; Metherall, Nicholas; Paramma, Paulus; Farneubun, Petrus K.
Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Cenderawasih

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31957/pjdir.v5i2.4923

Abstract

Papua New Guinea (PNG) has undertaken several steps in order to become a member within ASEAN. However, its bid for membership remains highly contested. This article looks at the reasons why PNG’s admission to ASEAN is unlikely to be approved. Using a qualitative approach with secondary sources and constructivism as a theoretical framework, this article makes the case that, although institutionally and procedurally possible, ASEAN membership is influenced not only by geopolitical and economic (realist and materialist) factors but also by (constructivist) social and normative constructions of belonging. As a result, constructivism becomes the main lens for this article. PNG’s application for membership is therefore unlikely to be accepted in the foreseeable future. An outcome of exclusion may have broader implications. This article will demonstrate that 1) PNG is not located inside the socially constructed regional geographic limits of “Southeast Asia” as defined by ASEAN. 2) PNG’s racialised and culturally unique nature—as a primarily Melanesian culture; and 3) PNG’s foreign policy orientation, which prioritizes their interests over ASEAN’s, is still ingrained in Melanesian and Pacific regional institutions.   KEYWORDS ASEAN; Constructivist; Membership; Pacific; Papua New Guinea

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