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<![CDATA[Japan in the South China Sea: Restricted yet Strategic? ]]>
<![CDATA[Archangela Rachel Dharmaputri]]>;
<![CDATA[Idil Syawfi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.12
<![CDATA[This article aims to answer how Japan responds to China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea amidst the limitations of its power projection. Japan's security posture is like 'destined' to have a pacifist character, making Japan only equipped with defensive capabilities that tend to be minimal. At the same time, China also continues to use its influence to aggressively occupy the South China Sea and create threats to Japan. For this reason, the narrative analysis method is used to analyze a series of phenomena based on the framework of Walt's threat balance theory. The results of the study explain that Japan's considerations for balancing against China instead of joining in through understanding the level of threat and the prerequisites for China's alliance are quite balanced. Therefore, the external balancing strategy with the United States and Southeast Asian countries seems to be Japan's strategic move against China. Keywords: alliance, balancing, China, Japan, South China Sea]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN’s External Economic Relations and the Limits of Its Economic Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Pantri Muthriana Erza Killian]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.4
<![CDATA[The purpose of this article is to outline the multiple facets of ASEAN’s external economic relations (EER), loosely termed as ASEAN economic diplomacy. In doing so, this article builds on two main frameworks: strands of economic diplomacy and general framework of economic diplomacy and employs research interviews and documentary analysis as the main research method. Findings suggest that ASEAN is most advanced in its trade diplomacy, relying on the ASEAN-plus scheme. ASEAN also displays an interesting pattern in their trade diplomacy, since it is mostly aimed at achieving political goals rather than economic ones. The main reason for this is because ASEAN member states can actually achieve larger economic gains by negotiating individually rather than collectively through ASEAN. However, ASEAN still faces limitations in doing collective negotiations due to its regional development gap, different levels of economic ambition, absence of a common external tariff and the lack of a regional negotiator acting on behalf of ASEAN. Keywords: ASEAN, economic diplomacy, external economic relations, trade diplomacy]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Diaspora Cina Terhadap Hubungan Bilateral Amerika Serikat-Cina (2017-2021) ]]>
<![CDATA[Imanniar Gadis Diandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Adiasri Putri Purbantina]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.8
<![CDATA[This article explores the phenomenon of diaspora diplomacy by China on bilateral relations between China and the United States in 2017-2021. Qualitative descriptive research and case study methods as well as the concept of diaspora in International Relations were used. Diaspora diplomacy is an instrument of public diplomacy to introduce the culture, ethnicity, and national identity of the country of origin to the host community. This article finds that the Chinese diaspora in the United States acts as a link between host and home countries, playing a role in strengthening economic ties. The activities of the Chinese diaspora through the Confucius Institute demonstrate the process of internationalizing culture, ethnicity, and national identity as a strategic communication tool that enhances bilateral relations between China and the United States. However, the current role of the Chinese diaspora has yet to demonstrate its peace-building function and provide an alternative political vision for its home country. Keywords: bilateral relations, China, diaspora diplomacy, United States]]>
<![CDATA[Diaspora dalam Hubungan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Junita Budi Rachman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.1
<![CDATA[Perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina yang masih berlangsung hingga pertengahan 2022 ini menyisakan perhatian pada diaspora, selain pada segala akibat perang dalam banyak hal terhadap kedua negara dan hubungan internasional. Diaspora Rusia dan diaspora Ukraina tersebar di luar negeri, baik sebagai diaspora pasif maupun sebagai diaspora transnasional dan global. Dalam banyak kepentingan mereka adalah subjek-subjek internasional yang signifikan baik bagi negara asal (home country) dan negara tuan rumah (host country) maupun bagi ragam komunitas diaspora lainnya. Namun, serangan militer Rusia ke Ukraina telah membuat diaspora Rusia dalam keadaan sosial yang tersudutkan di tempat mereka berdomisili. Sementara para pengungsi Ukraina yang mendapatkan simpati sebagai migran baru akan mengalami kehidupan diaspora di negara penerima di masa depan bila mereka menetap. Dari tempat baru, mereka dapat berfungsi sebagai saluran politik domestik dan internasional untuk konflik dan iredentisme guna "memulihkan" identitas dan wilayah yang telah dianeksasi pihak musuh. Selanjutnya, efek terkuat perang Rusia dan Ukraina terhadap risiko perang berikutnya bekerja melalui diaspora adalah sesuatu yang mungkin.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Wolf Warrior Cina dan Relasi Cina-Australia Di Masa Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hayati Nufus]]>;
<![CDATA[Khanisa Khanisa]]>;
<![CDATA[R. A Rizka Fiani Prabaningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.6
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to analyze China's wolf warrior diplomacy and its implementation on China-Australia relations during the Covid-19 pandemic. Using qualitative method, this study examines wolf warrior diplomacy from the standpoint of public diplomacy concept. In this article, wolf warrior diplomacy is seen as a form of Chinese public diplomacy. This study found that wolf warrior diplomacy aims to shape China's image at the international stage as well as serve domestic public expectations to project China's powerful image. However, the aggressiveness displayed in the wolf warrior diplomacy reflects China's unfavorable image as a threat to other countries. In the context of China-Australia relations, wolf warrior diplomacy has exacerbated existing diplomatic tensions and hinder economic cooperation between the two countries.Keywords: China-Australia, Covid-19, public diplomacy, wolf warrior diplomacy]]>
<![CDATA[Hometown Transnationalism and the Emergence of Indonesian Diaspora Organizations in Europe ]]>
<![CDATA[Meilinda Sari Yayusman]]>;
<![CDATA[Ayu Nova Lissandhi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.9
<![CDATA[This article aims to explain the movement of Indonesian diaspora and their initiative to create multifarious new activities in today’s globalized era. Focusing on Indonesian diaspora organizations in Europe, namely Indonesian Diaspora Networks (IDN) in the Netherlands and France who are eager to come together, build organizations based on a common identity, and contribute to Indonesia. The newly-emerged concept of hometown transnationalism is used to explain the phenomenon in which collective remittances through development projects are the main output of diasporas’ contribution. Qualitative method is applied to this study through a set of in-depth interviews, a study of life history, and literature review completed by site visits to observe diasporas’ works. The results of this study show that the emergence of various diaspora organizations is the impact of the increasingly rapid movement of people and technological developments, thus encouraging the diaspora to be more connected to their hometowns. Both IDNs play a vital role in realizing diaspora's aspirations to develop Indonesia through multifarious ways. Keywords: diaspora organizations, hometown transnationalism, Indonesian diaspora, Indonesian diaspora networks]]>
<![CDATA[Facing The Dangers in Indonesia’s Waters: Government’s Efforts in Proposing Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing as Transnational Organized Crime ]]>
<![CDATA[Elyta Elyta]]>;
<![CDATA[Dadang I.K. Mujiono]]>;
<![CDATA[Uni W. Sagena]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.5
<![CDATA[This study aims to understand and analyze the efforts made by the Government of Indonesia in proposing of Illegal, Unreported, And Unregulated Fishing( IUUF) as a Trans-National Organized Crime (TOC). The perspective used in this article is a realist perspective with a descriptive analysis method. The results of this study found that the Indonesian government's efforts to propose IUUF as a Trans-National Organized Crime (TOC), namely by suggesting and proposing IUUF as international law, as well as being the basis for punishing and prosecuting IUUF perpetrators, President Widodo has also shown his seriousness in eradicating IUFF, namely promoting IUUF to become a TOC has also been recognized internationally. Other government efforts have been to find agreement on the steps taken by Indonesia in controlling and protecting all-natural resources as maritime security in the IUUF case as one of the challenges of the nation, the Indonesian government ensures its citizens to manage natural resources to face internal and external threats external. Keywords: illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, Maritime Security, trans-national organized crime]]>
<![CDATA[MULTILATERALISME TIONGKOK: TINJAUAN FAKTOR DOMESTIK YANG MEMPENGARUHI PENDIRIAN AIIB ]]>
<![CDATA[Emilia Kurniasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Asra Virgianita]]>;
<![CDATA[Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.10
<![CDATA[This article seeks to explore how China understands multilateralism. Employing content analysis, this article analyzes Chinese leaders’ speeches surrounding the establishment of AIIB. The result finds that within the speeches, “fazhan” (development/to develop) is the most frequently mentioned word. The narratives concerning the word suggest that from the China perspective, a multilateral cooperation framework is instrumental to pursue its long-term geopolitical goals. For China, multilateral practices should be based on the principle of flexibility. On the one hand, the implementation of such a principle is central in projecting the image of China as being accommodative. On the other hand, it is fundamentally instrumental to ensure that China would have wider room to maneuver in achieving and defending its interests. Keywords: Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, China, economic development, global governance, multilateralism]]>
<![CDATA[Persaingan Kekuasaan Antara India dan Cina : Dari Kekuasaan Militer Sampai Dengan Konflik Siber ]]>
<![CDATA[Refika Febrianti]]>;
<![CDATA[Abubakar Eby Hara]]>;
<![CDATA[Bagus Sigit Sunarko]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.3
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the development of power competition between China and India from military competition to cyberspace and the reasons why India in 2020 expanded this conflict area to cyberspace. This expansion of competition is marked by India's ban on Chinese mobile applications. The research was conducted using a qualitative research approach and literature study methods as well as the theory of Struggle for Power, Cyber power and cyber Sovereignity. The discussion of this paper shows the main reason why India brings conflict to cyberspace by banning Chinese mobile application was because India had to restrain China’s rising dominance in cyber power. The ban was come under a longstanding power and influence rivalry of both countries. India is tend to left behind and suffered several defeats in conventional millitary competition with China. Afterward, the cyber rivalry allows India to have an extensive opportunity in restraining China’s power. Keywords: China, cyber sovereignity, India, cyber conflict, struggle for power]]>
<![CDATA[Rational Choices in Sino-Indian Border Dispute in Aksai ]]>
<![CDATA[Angel Damayanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Bryan Libertho Karyoprawiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.11
<![CDATA[This study aims to explain the strategies taken by two major countries in the region, China and India, in overcoming border disputes in the Aksai Chin region. By using rational choice theory to explain the behavior of India and China and the reasons why they choose to use non-confrontational strategies. The research methodology used is qualitative with a case study model to analyze the policies of the two countries. The results of the study found that despite different views regarding Aksai Chin, the two countries both built trust and were committed that the border dispute would not affect their bilateral relationship as a whole. India and China have opted for a strategy of optimizing mutual benefits over purely national interests. It can be concluded that the two countries chose to take a non-confrontational policy in the border dispute in Aksai Chin as a rational choice in times of crisis based on the optimal benefits that can be obtained by both countries. Keywords: Aksai Chin, border dispute, India-China, non-confrontational policy, rational choice]]>
