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INDONESIA
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies
Published by Universitas Padjadjaran
ISSN : -     EISSN : 2503443X     DOI : http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2
Core Subject : Economy, Humanities, Social,
Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Environmental Science Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences
Intermestic Journal of International Studies (INTERMESTIC) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual academic journal. It is dedicated to facilitate the exchange of ideas and research on themes that focus on various issues within international-domestic spectrum or global-local relations by diverse actors, which includes but is not limited to: 1. Transnational movements; 2. Intercultural exchanges; 3. Domestic-foreign policy relations; 4. Practices of diplomacy; 5. Global-local governance; 6. Global-local political economy; 7. Contemporary security issues.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 210 Documents
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ADVOCACY CAMPAIGNS OF GREENPEACE IN ADDRESSING AIR POLLUTION PROBLEMS IN AFRICA Alfredha Shinta Putri
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.4

Abstract

Air pollution is a major environmental and public health problem in Africa, contributing to hundreds of thousands of premature deaths annually. Countries such as South Africa, Nigeria, and Egypt face high levels of pollutants, including nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), sulfur dioxide (SO₂), and particulate matter (PM2.5), primarily caused by fossil fuel combustion, industrial activities, transportation, and household fuel use. This study examines Greenpeace’s advocacy campaigns in addressing air pollution challenges across the continent. As an independent international non-governmental organization, Greenpeace promotes renewable energy transition, stronger environmental regulations, and improved public awareness. Its strategies include digital campaigns, online petitions, social media mobilization, public framing techniques, and direct engagement with political leaders, particularly during election periods. Through these approaches, Greenpeace seeks to influence policy reform and pressure governments to adopt cleaner energy systems. The study concludes that effective advocacy, combined with regulatory strengthening and renewable energy adoption, is essential to reduce environmental injustice, protect public health, and support sustainable development in Africa.
INDONESIA'S TECHNICAL EDUCATION AID TO KENYA: A SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION PERSPECTIVE Dorine Andayi Munyifwa; Yanyan Mochamad Yani; Siti Aliyuna Pratisti
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.2

Abstract

South-South Cooperation (SSC) has become a structurally different form of development that is a challenge to the conditionality-based structures of North-South aid. This paper discusses the technical education assistance given by Indonesia to Kenya as a development diplomacy tool in the SSC context, filling a literature gap on how Southern donors use education assistance as a soft power and public diplomacy instrument. Based on qualitative documentary analysis of policy reports, institutional documentation, and peer-reviewed literature, 2009-2025, the study explores three dimensions of analysis: the institutional architecture of SSC in education in Indonesia, how technical education partnerships are aligned with the industrialization agenda of Kenya Vision 2030 and the soft power politics inherent in Indonesian involvement as an emerging Southern donor. The results show that the Indonesian technical education aid, in the form of scholarships, TVET capacity-building, and bilateral memoranda of understanding is a demand responsive, sovereignty-respecting model that fulfills Kenya-reported skills shortage and serves Indonesia development diplomacy goals. This work advances both constructivist explanations of SSC and the literature on public diplomacy by developing technical education as an analytically meaningful yet under-researched tool of Southern Unity.
WHY REGIONAL LEADERS UNDER-TRADE: KENYA-INDONESIA TIES IN A SOUTH-SOUTH CONTEXT Kelvin Mwangi Maina; Yanyan Mochamad Yani; Anggia Utami Dewi
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.8

Abstract

This article examines why Kenya and Indonesia continue to under-trade despite renewed diplomatic engagement that was marked by the opening of a Kenyan embassy in Jakarta in 2022. As regional economic actors that share South-South cooperation narratives, the two countries experience limited bilateral trade that stood at approximately $295 million in 2024, with Kenya running a significant trade deficit of about $233 million. The study employs a qualitative case study approach that draws on trade data, policy documents, secondary literature, and semi-structured interviews with a former Indonesian diplomat in Nairobi as well as students of international relations from both Kenya and Indonesia. It applies neoliberal institutionalism complemented by constructivist insights to analyse the structural and ideational constraints shaping this outcome. The findings of the study pinpoint five key hindrances: asymmetric policy priorities favouring traditional markets, weak institutional frameworks, logistical and regulatory barriers, structural trade imbalances, and enduring perception gaps. These factors collectively constrain the translation of diplomatic intent into substantive economic exchange between the two countries. The article argues, while Kenya and Indonesia rhetorically align under the Bandung Spirit and South-South cooperation, this has not materialised into meaningful economic outcomes.
DELEGATING DESTRUCTION: PRINCIPAL-AGENT DILEMMAS AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HEALTH SOVEREIGNTY IN FRAGILE STATES Bagus Satrio Utomo; Lila Irawati Tjahjo Widuri
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.10

Abstract

The traditional “guns versus butter” model fails to capture aid allocation in fragile states where external donors fund both security and social sectors. Using principal-agent theory, we argue that aid modality (budget support versus humanitarian bypass). With the aid of structured comparison and fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) of four states with developed, yet varying, armed conflicts: the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Afghanistan, Colombia, and Ukraine, I analyze how aid delegation (budget support vs. humanitarian aid) affects the resilience of health systems. Findings suggest that parallel humanitarian aid generates numerous principal-agent problems which produces a sovereignty gap and separate the provision of services from the accountability structures. However, the scope of this is limited. First, budget support builds a state’s capacity only if it is accompanied by middle levels of pre-existing institutionalization (e.g. Colombia, Ukraine). In states that are classified as collapsed (post-2021 Afghanistan and the DRC), aid support might even further predatory extraction. The article connects the literature of liberal peace and delegation theory in International Relations, claiming that the form of international aid is a dependent variable which determines the pathways of state formation. In post-colonial nations, externally placed delegation often repeats the ‘extraversion’ process which undermines the social contract.
KENYA’S ENVIRONMENTAL DIPLOMACY AT UNEP IN MOBILISING CLIMATE ADAPTATION FINANCE Salome Nzuki; Dudy Heryadi; Siti Aliyuna Pratisti
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.5

Abstract

Climate change causes devastating socio-economic and environmental effects. Developing countries like Kenya that contribute little to global greenhouse emissions are disproportionately affected. This paper explores how Kenya’s environmental diplomacy at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) contributes to mobilisation of climate adaptation finance. The study is guided by concepts of environmental diplomacy and climate finance, utilizing qualitative research methods through semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. The findings demonstrate that through environmental diplomacy at UNEP, Kenya strengthens diplomatic visibility, builds coalitions and global partnerships that would indirectly increase the chances of securing climate finance. Nonetheless, some drawbacks hinder the transformation of Kenya’s diplomatic leverage into concrete financial outcomes. These include geopolitics, institutional separation of UNEP and United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), competition, bureaucracy and national institutional capacity. This research contributes to academic discourse on environmental diplomacy, affirming that to effectively mobilise climate finance, a country must balance between diplomacy, reinforcing national institutions and engagement with global governance structures.
WORLD BANK AND DECENTRALIZED CLIMATE FINANCE: IMPLEMENTATION GAPS IN LAMU, KENYA Fatuma Bwanaheri Abdulrahman; Dudy Heryadi; Siti Aliyuna Pratisti
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.7

Abstract

This paper analyses the World Bank initiatives in promoting its role in decentralizing climate finance through the Financing Locally-Led Climate Action (FLLoCA) and the Kenya Climate-Smart Agriculture Project (KCSAP) in Lamu County, Kenya. A qualitative case study is used to examine the substantial tension between the Bank's perception of its institutional function, its actual bureaucratic performance, and the pressing demands, through the intersection of Function of Role Theory and Climate Resilience Theory. A significant implementation gap is revealed from the empirical findings, highlighting that the creation of the local ward committees in the projects purportedly regularizes climate governance. However, the strict procurement regulations provided by the Bank, systemic delays in the release of funds, and strict environmental standards have compromised local sovereignty. Misplaced expectations are frequently encounters through these efforts and the occurrence of elite capture, hindering marginalized groups from cultivating genuine and transformative resilience. This paper concludes that the international development finances must abandon rigid technological imposition in favour of adaptable funding models and genuinely integrate local survival knowledge to thrive in extremely fragile socio-ecological zones.
THE POTENTIAL OF TEACHING VIETNAMESE IN INDONESIA UNDER A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN VIETNAM AND INDONESIA Minh Tri Nguyen; Indra Sarathan
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.3

Abstract

This article examines the potential development of Teaching Vietnamese to Speakers of Other Languages (TVSOL) in Indonesia within the framework of the Vietnam–Indonesia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP). The study aims to analyze the geopolitical, economic, and educational factors driving the need for Vietnamese language education in Indonesia, while also identifying institutional and pedagogical challenges in establishing such programs. The research employs theories of second language acquisition, negative language transfer, human capital theory, and soft power diplomacy to explain both linguistic difficulties and the strategic significance of language education. Using a qualitative research design, the study employs documentary research, a systematic literature review, and qualitative content analysis of policy documents, labor market data, academic literature, and online educational platforms. The findings reveal that increasing bilateral cooperation in trade, tourism, investment, and education has generated growing demand for Vietnamese language proficiency in Indonesia, particularly in business, diplomacy, and cross-cultural communication sectors. However, the absence of formal Vietnamese language programs, limited institutional support, and significant phonological differences between Indonesian and Vietnamese remain major barriers. The study concludes that integrating Vietnamese language education into the CSP agenda through government support, university partnerships, teacher training, and public–private collaboration could strengthen Indonesia’s regional engagement with Vietnam and contribute to broader ASEAN cooperation.
HYBRID GOVERNANCE IN INDONESIA’S NATION BRANDING: M4 WORLD CHAMPIONSHIP 2023 Glory Yolanda Yahya; Listari Noviyanti; Desri Gunawan; Marisa Elsera; Hadli Lidya Rikayana
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.6

Abstract

This study examines the dynamics of hybrid governance in Indonesia’s nation branding practices through the 2023 M4 World Championship. The global esports tournament was organized by Moonton as a multinational private company, while the Indonesian government acted as a facilitator through policy support, institutional legitimacy, and symbolic involvement. This study employed an interpretivist qualitative approach with a single-case study strategy. Data were collected from policy documents, official press releases, government statements, organizer publications, and credible media coverage. Previous studies still limited research that specifically analyzes the 2023 M4 World Championship as a global esports event organized by a multinational corporation from the perspective of hybrid governance. This study addresses that gap by examining how the interaction between state and private actors constructs nation branding practices in Indonesia within a hybrid governance structure. The findings show that Indonesia’s nation branding through M4 was formed within a hybrid governance configuration. Moonton controlled the operational and production aspects of the event, while the state utilized the event as a strategic platform to project Indonesia’s national image. Indonesia was represented through narratives and symbols emphasizing modernity, tourism, digital entertainment, and the creative economy. The novelty of this study lies in its use of hybrid governance theory to explain nation branding practices in global esports events managed primarily by multinational private actors. This research demonstrates that nation branding in the digital era is no longer fully state-led, but emerges through collaborative governance between governments and global corporations in transnational digital spaces.
DIGITAL GEOPOLITICS IN INDONESIAN NETIZENS’ PERCEPTION TO THE 2025 IRAN-ISRAEL WAR Maziar Mozaffari Falarti; Dina Yulianti; Muhammad Fikry Anshori; Deasy Silvya Sari; Otong Sulaeman
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/

Abstract

The “12-Day War” between Iran and Israel in June 2025 sparked broad discussions on social media platforms, such as among Indonesian users on X (previously known as Twitter). In this study, the conflict is analyzed in the context of digital geopolitics and the perception of the conflict by the Indonesian digital publics. The article examines online discourse regarding military concerns, humanitarian solidarity, religious identity, and geopolitical anxiety in the context of Indonesia as a large Muslim society and Global South society. The study employs the concept of digital geopolitics and uses a mixed-method approach combining IndoBERT-based sentiment analysis, unguided topic modeling, and qualitative interpretive reading. The data used is in the form of tweets in the Indonesian language with a total of around 3,000 tweets from 13 June to 24 June 2025. The results highlight three prevailing discourses: escalation and tactical warfare, religious-humanitarian solidarity with Palestine and public concerns about wider global instability. The sentiment against Israel was overwhelmingly negative, across a variety of issues. The study finds that the digital public sphere in Indonesia can be described as a geopolitical space that is decentralized and where international conflicts are understood by local moral language, religious identity, and political awareness of the Global South. The article is a valuable addition to the literature of digital geopolitics by highlighting the growing role of the digital publics in Southeast Asia in shaping transnational political discourse.
EDITORIAL: Evil By Commission in International Relations Junita Budi Rachman; Arry Bainus
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 10 No 2 (2026)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v10n2.0

Abstract

The purpose of this essay is to explore the concept of evil in international relations, specifically focusing on evil by commission in various dimensions. In the field of international relations, the discussion of evil within the international political arena is often overlooked. In the study of International Relations, evil results from deliberate actions by agents such as states, corporations, or non-state actors, often obscured by complex bureaucracies. This framework aims to systematically analyze evil by distinguishing between material and non-material instruments and defining various impact locations. It seeks to frame evil as a subject for scientific inquiry, rather than a mere moral issue.

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