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Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Published by Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27984427     DOI : https://doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v2i1
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Journal of Global Strategic Studies aims to become one of the preeminent journals in Political Science, notably on International Relations, Comparative Politics, and Area Studies. At this point we publish our issues twice a year, in June and in December. Depending on the number of submissions, we may increase the frequency of our publication in the future. We welcome submission on foreign policy, security studies, democracy, political psychology – anything that is interesting and high quality. As we also aim to inform policy makers and stimulate debates in political science, and thus, we are publishing both research articles and essays – so this journal will be part academic and policy journal. We also welcome and publish book reviews and short essays that question the findings and arguments in articles that we published.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 60 Documents
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Jokowi’s Generals, Civilian Control, and the Power of the Panglima Sambhi, Natalie
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1614

Abstract

The relationship between the president and the military chief (known as the Panglima) can be a useful proxy for understanding the state of civil-military relations in Indonesia. This research note argues that, under President Joko Widodo, democratic norms of civil-military relations have been further eroded with the selection of the Panglima becoming increasingly politicised, rather than being guided by operational or service rotation needs. Also, the president has experienced varying levels of civilian control over the military chief, influenced by factors such as personality and timing.
Japan's Remilitarization Struggle Since the Shinzo Abe’s Leadership Prabowo, Muhammad Arif
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1642

Abstract

This article discusses Japan’s struggle to push its military capabilities to become more active in security issues since the reelection of Shinzo Abe in 2012. During this time, Japanese defense policy faced great challenges due to the restriction of the Japanese constitution of pacifism (Article 9) and the fact that the Japanese opposed the idea of militarism or ‘remilitarization’ initiated by Japanese political leaders, mainly Abe. However, the Chinese military presence in the region with overwhelming military capabilities and aggressive behavior, particularly around Diayou/Senkaku islands in the East China Sea, threatens Japan. This uncertainty has engendered a grim perception of China among the Japanese which forces Japan to fortify its security by reforming its defense policy to strengthen its military capabilities. In this essay, I argue that the remilitarization of Japan is stimulated by the Japanese perception of the threat of Chinese aggressiveness. By utilizing Robert Jervis's theory, the analysis is focused on a structural level to trace the incentive of Japan’s remilitarization. This security phenomenon will be enlightened by two imperative concepts of the security dilemma and perception of threat. Other domestic aspects like public opinion and elites are discussed to show the veracity of the main argument.
Notes from the Executive Editor Sulaiman, Yohanes
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1643

Abstract

Decolonization and the Cold War McMahon, Robert
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 2 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i2.1772

Abstract

Throughout the Cold War era, the United States and the Soviet Union frequently faced the dilemma of whether to recognize or to confer legitimacy upon armed insurgencies vying to overturn established civil authority. The superpower conflict, at once ideological and geopolitical, came to encompass the entire globe by the 1950s, with the Third World emerging as the chief zone of competition between the two superpowers--as well as the main source and site of non-state armed groups. The potential transformations of these armed groups into governments threatened to alter the prevailing balance of regional and global power. Policymakers in Washington and Moscow, consequently, needed to calculate carefully how the granting of de jure or de facto recognition to a particular armed insurgency, or the accordance of some form of legitimacy to it, might affect broader Cold War goals. Why did the United States and the Soviet Union, this essay asks, choose to recognize some insurgencies, deny recognition to others, and actively oppose still others? How, for their part, did these various armed, non-state actors seek to gain support, recognition, and legitimacy from one, or both, of the superpowers? What factors best explain their relative successes or failures in those endeavors? the present article explores those larger questions by focusing specifically on armed decolonization movements, arguably the most common and most consequential of the non-state, armed groups that emerged throughout the post-1945 period. In each of the cases examined here, the superpowers sought to shape the outcome of the decolonization struggle, offering, or withholding military support and diplomatic recognition as a weapon of influence. In each case, the aspiring national liberation movement deployed a combination of armed strength and diplomatic advocacy in a bid for legitimacy and recognition, seeing the support of one or both superpowers as instrumental to the overarching goal of full-fledged sovereignty and acceptance within the prevailing international state-based system.
The Coming Hypersonic Era McLaughlin, Peter J.
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 2 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i2.1773

Abstract

Much of the literature on emerging hypersonic weapons discusses their ability to deliver strategic nuclear strikes, conduct nuclear counterforce, or perform traditional tactical strikes in isolation. However, with their inherent versatility, a single hypersonic weapon can perform all of these roles without reconfiguration. I explain how the versatility of these new multipurpose weapons generates ambiguity and undermines the tenets of nuclear deterrence theory. National leaders who observe HPGM deployments on their nations’ borders will increasingly view HPGM weapons as tools of destabilizing counterforce, even if the deployers have defensive intentions. With HPGMs capable of traveling inter-continental distances on the horizon, policies of restraint will become necessary to clearly indicate intentions without increasing global fear of counterforce strikes.
Saving the Mighty Mekong Turek, Alexis
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 2 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i2.1781

Abstract

The Mekong River has provided food, agriculture, and employment for millions of people in Southeast Asia for thousands of years. This storied history may well be coming to an end following decades of harmful Chinese damming practices, a regional overreliance on hydropower, and climate change. Severe drought, water shortages, and major biodiversity loss have led to a marked decrease in agriculture and fishing yields, which could lead to an economic downturn and/or food shortages if the current situation continues. It is in the best interest of the US to aid in mitigating these risks. Such efforts would support US goals regarding environmental protection and sustainable energy, and also provide an opportunity for US-Southeast Asian cooperation that the region will be more receptive to; as it will not require states to “choose” between China and the US.
Navigating Indonesia-United States relations, 1967-1969 Smith, Shannon
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 2 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i2.1792

Abstract

Individuals not holding formal positions are often overlooked in studies of international relations, where the focus is generally on Heads of State, foreign ministers and accredited professionals attached to diplomatic services. Indeed, it is an anomaly for an individual, and certainly a non-national, to act as an envoy for one government, and for that intermediary to be attached great importance by another foreign government. Such an abnormality was Clive Williams, President Soeharto of Indonesia’s Australian Whisperer. Williams has never been mentioned in a single diplomatic, political or historical account of United States-Indonesia relations. But as shall be seen, he was an extremely effective and indispensable intermediary for both countries as they moved towards closer relations in the late 1960s. The practice of a non-national assisting a national leader in international affairs is a fascinating concept.
Approaches in the Indonesian Maritime identity Construction Putri, Briliantina
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 3 No 2 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i2.1795

Abstract

As the largest archipelagic country in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is by nature surrounded by the seas and strategically situated between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Given this geographical circumstance, the Indonesian government claims that the country can be identified as a maritime nation. This article elaborates maritime identity construction in Indonesia by looking into constructed historical narratives of the country’s past maritime glory, and the policies taken by the Indonesian presidents in the maritime sector. The former signified the bottom-up approach in maritime identity construction, while the latter represented the top-down approach, underlining the role of state in maritime identity construction. The article concludes that Indonesia's maritime identity has evolved through different presidential eras, with President Joko Widodo's Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) vision marking an important milestone. The GMF not only influenced government priorities in national maritime sector but also shaped Indonesian government's perception of an increased global role in maritime affairs.
The Logic of U.S. Deployment in Norway: The Trump Administration and NATO’s Northern Front Motin, Dylan
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 1 (2024): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v4i1.1815

Abstract

Observers generally assume that domestic concerns or Donald Trump’s personality oriented his administration’s foreign policy. In this piece, I discuss the United States’s decision in 2017 to base military forces in Norway. I argue that the Trump administration’s decision is mainly explainable by balance-of-power motives and has little to do with domestic concerns. After showing the importance of Norway to the United States and describing the military balance of power in Northern Europe, this study tests competing IR theories. It is clear that realism and balance-of-power theory are far more amenable for describing U.S. policy toward Norway.
Angela Merkel's Leadership in Germany's Open Door Policy Regarding the Handling of the Refugee Crisis in Europe Dasep, Muhamad
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies : Jurnal Magister Hubungan Internasional Vol 4 No 1 (2024): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v4i1.2135

Abstract

This research will examine Angela Merkel's leadership in the Open Door Policy to address the refugee crisis that occurred in Europe in 2015. The conflict in Syria led people there to seek refuge in other countries, culminating in a significant increase in refugee waves worldwide. Europe, due to its geographical proximity to the Middle East, became the most affected region in receiving these refugees. In response, Germany, under Chancellor Angela Merkel, decided to open its borders to refugees from Syria. Unlike other European Union countries that chose not to accept refugees, Germany took a different approach. However, this policy faced opposition domestically from the AFD opposition party and the anti-Islam PEGIDA movement. Using the concept of leadership, this paper seeks to answer the question: How did Angela Merkel's leadership in Germany's Open Door Policy contribute to addressing the refugee crisis in Europe? This research utilizes secondary data collection methods, including books, journals, and documentation.

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