Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Journal of Global Strategic Studies aims to become one of the preeminent journals in Political Science, notably on International Relations, Comparative Politics, and Area Studies. At this point we publish our issues twice a year, in June and in December. Depending on the number of submissions, we may increase the frequency of our publication in the future. We welcome submission on foreign policy, security studies, democracy, political psychology – anything that is interesting and high quality. As we also aim to inform policy makers and stimulate debates in political science, and thus, we are publishing both research articles and essays – so this journal will be part academic and policy journal. We also welcome and publish book reviews and short essays that question the findings and arguments in articles that we published.
Articles
54 Documents
<![CDATA[Quad: Origin and Evolving Dynamics ]]>
<![CDATA[Roychoudhury, Srabani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (964.095 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v1i2.845
<![CDATA[Quad is not a formal treaty, and for its members, it is not the only platform in Asia. It has brought like-minded maritime democracies together to create a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It has responded to disaster crises and the pandemic more promptly than China’s aggressive moves in the Indo-Pacific region. This article aims to understand the origin of ‘the Quad’ referred to as Quad 1.0 and its failure in 2007 and re-emergence of it as Quad 2.0. Quad 2.0 is further divided into the pre-pandemic Quad 2.1 and pandemic onset Quad 2.2. This article articulates the trajectory that Quad has traversed to reach Summit level meetings and its pursued agenda. The latest development in this arena is forming a trilateral agreement between Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom (AUKUS). This article questions the role of Quad in view of the formation of AUKUS and draw on its implications. It concludes that Quad has faltered in answering the security concern, paving the way for AUKUS. Quad’s role is likely to turn towards a developmental paradigm of ‘productive global public good’. In the long run, this will help create an equitable cohesive region and realize the ambition of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.]]>
<![CDATA[Japan and Foreign Territory Strike: Debate, Deterrence, and Defense Strength ]]>
<![CDATA[Wallace, Corey]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1762.737 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v1i2.846
<![CDATA[The increased frequency of debate in Japan over foreign territory strike points to it being officially affirmed as a Japanese Self-Defense Force (SDF) mission in the near future. This article explores the foreign territory strike debate through the lens of the four key questions that have structured the post-war debate on all new overseas SDF operations: is it constitutional?; is it (militarily) plausible?; is it (strategically) wise?; and, is it (politically) acceptable? After discussing the contours of the Japanese post-war legal and policy debate on the use of force in foreign territory, the article describes contemporary doubts over the tactical effectiveness and strategic opportunity cost of configuring the SDF to conduct overseas strike operations—especially for missile defense purposes. Foreign territory strike would divert scarce fiscal resources and political attention from adaptations that enhance the US-Japan alliance’s posture resilience and enable it to sustainably generate force even after an initial attack, thereby augmenting regional deterrence. The article concludes by noting that political barriers could also still prevent the mission from being substantively and credibly implemented. Acrimonious domestic debate on foreign territory strike could also hamstring government attempts to attract public buy-in for future defense transformation in areas of greater priority and that add more to deterrence than the acquisition of modest strike capabilities.]]>
<![CDATA[A Prayer for Democracy: Secretarian Violence and Regime Type in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Greenlees, Donald]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (917.862 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v1i2.848
<![CDATA[Indonesia has a long history of conflict with roots in ethnic, religious, communal and political difference. This was the inevitable consequence of unresolved tensions when the Republic of Indonesia was born in 1945. While a variety of differences over the nature of the state have emerged over the past 76 years, none have been more protracted or resistant to solution than those over religion. In a country where Islam commands the adherence of 87 percent of the population, but five other religions are officially recognized, it is not surprising that these divides should persist.]]>
<![CDATA[Health Diplomacy as an Instrument of Indonesian Foreign Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Delanova, Marianne]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (872.893 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v1i2.849
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s foreign policy is dynamic, especially in the COVID-19 Pandemic Era. When Indonesia experienced an increase in COVID-19 cases, it identified it as a foreign policy issue requiring attention. It focused on promoting national health resilience in health care as one way to protect the Indonesian state during the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this paper is to explain and analyze Indonesia’s health diplomacy as an instrument of Indonesia’s foreign policy in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that, so far, the results of Indonesia’s health-focused approach are good and in line with Indonesia’s national interests. Indonesia’s active role and involvement in international forums has a diplomatic purpose but has also helped other countries. This indicates that the health diplomacy carried out by Indonesia has had a major impact on regional and global stability. In addition, Indonesia’s health diplomacy has resulted in it receiving assistance in the form of medical devices and vaccines provided by other countries for handling COVID-19 in Indonesia. Indonesia was also the driving force in the initiation in the 75th United Nations General Assembly of measures giving voice to the availability of medical devices and vaccine equality for all countries in the world.]]>
<![CDATA[Revisiting New Global Governance in Capture Fishery ]]>
<![CDATA[Raharja, Dinna Prapto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (541.367 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.953
<![CDATA[COVID-19 suffers fishers all over the world, including those in Indonesia. While the pandemic triggered the state to provide relief for fishers, initial interviews and media tracing suggests that in Indonesia, the world’s second largest producer of capture fish, the reaction is not enthusiastic. This paper explores the possible factors behind such reaction, taking the focus on how existing new global governance affected the perspectives of fishers. This paper explores the dimensions of governance that link the perspectives of problem solving at the global level and the way fishers operate. Through in-depth interviews of state apparatus and fishers, also tracing past studies of governance, the paper noted problems that current global governance offered to solve and describe the layers of convergence on “common problems” but not necessarily on “specific problems” that stakeholders try to solve nationally, locally or operationally under the umbrella of global governance. Bringing in the wicked problem discourse, this paper humbly suggests “bringing back embedded liberalism” as inseparable part of new global governance for the sector.]]>
<![CDATA[‘Fake News’ about the Indonesian Past ]]>
<![CDATA[Vickers, Adrian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (399.608 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1000
<![CDATA[After the fall of the authoritarian Soeharto Regime in 1998, new versions and theories about history emerged in Indonesia. Some of these, such as theories about the origins of the nationalist movement to overthrow Dutch colonial rule, were based on sources going back to the 1950s. The case of the origins of the nationalist movement demonstrates how alternative versions of ‘truth’ can be mobilised for political ends. It also demonstrates how Islamic movements have re-centred themselves in Indonesia political and social life.]]>
<![CDATA[Duterte and Alliance Behavior of the Philippines ]]>
<![CDATA[Rodier, Taylor Alexis]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (353.075 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1036
<![CDATA[Many have defined the Philippines' dominant alliance behavior to be hedging; that is, an alignment choice adapted to address the security challenges often faced by small and middle powers in relation to major powers. Hedging should be understood as a strategy to manage the security risks that small and middle powers face, whereas balancing and bandwagoning are security strategies created in response to security threats. This paper argues that before President Duterte's election in 2016, it could be argued that the Philippines was engaging in hedging or low intensity balancing between the U.S. and China. However, Philippine foreign policy underwent a swift about-face as a result of Duterte's objectives, and as a result the country began bandwagoning with China.]]>
<![CDATA[Defining Terrorism: how Ambiguous Definitions and Vague Classifications Open Doors for Power Acquisition ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahon, Anastassiya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (361.104 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1038
<![CDATA[In this article, I want to reflect on the difficulty of categorising the threat of terrorism within existing security frameworks and our theorising of threat assessment. As more types of terrorism get academic and political attention, various state and non-state actors use terrorist tactics or borrow some elements of terrorism to achieve their agenda. This article discusses the difficulties surrounding terrorist threat classification and how it perplexes our understanding of terrorism and counterterrorism. What have we learned over more than twenty years of researching terrorism? Terrorism is often conceptualised as both a traditional and non-traditional threat, complicating the execution of counterterrorism strategies. This ambiguity creates the need for a "special treatment" of the terrorist threat in politics proportionate to its importance, and it bears the danger of fostering opportunities for power abuse. This article reflects on different ways of categorising the threat of terrorism, showing that terrorism is multifaced, and there is no one-size-fits-all approach to defining and fighting terrorism. However, I also argue that there is a danger of assigning terrorism an extralegal status and exclusive priority, resulting in power abuse and restrictions of people's rights and freedoms.]]>
<![CDATA[Islam, Christianity, and the Formation of Secularism in Indonesia 1945-1960 ]]>
<![CDATA[Arifianto, Alexander]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (433.81 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1053
<![CDATA[In this article, I will apply the varieties of secularism theory developed by Elizabeth Shakman Hurd and Ahmet Kuru in the case of Indonesia. Following Kuru’s typology, I argue that Indonesian secularism resembles that of passive secularism. This form of secularism came about from an alliance between secular nationalists and a religious minority (Christianity). The alliance between the two groups had successfully prevented Islam from becoming a dominant religion when an independent Indonesian state was formed in 1945. It was also successful from preventing reformist Muslims from instituting a state based on the sharia law during the crucial period of state-building in Indonesia between 1945 and 1960. However, this alliance also results in the formation of two authoritarian regimes that ruled Indonesia for four decades (1959-1998), and in the often tenuous relationship between two religious groups that sat on the opposite end of this conflict, namely Indonesian Muslims and Christians.]]>
<![CDATA[Notes from the Executive Editor ]]>
<![CDATA[Sulaiman, Yohanes]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (290.094 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1056
