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Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Published by Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27984427     DOI : https://doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v2i1
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Journal of Global Strategic Studies aims to become one of the preeminent journals in Political Science, notably on International Relations, Comparative Politics, and Area Studies. At this point we publish our issues twice a year, in June and in December. Depending on the number of submissions, we may increase the frequency of our publication in the future. We welcome submission on foreign policy, security studies, democracy, political psychology – anything that is interesting and high quality. As we also aim to inform policy makers and stimulate debates in political science, and thus, we are publishing both research articles and essays – so this journal will be part academic and policy journal. We also welcome and publish book reviews and short essays that question the findings and arguments in articles that we published.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 54 Documents
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Understanding Indonesia’s Response to Russia’s war in Ukraine: Dharmaputra, Radityo
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (393.904 KB) | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i1.1057

Abstract

A Preliminary Analysis of the Discursive Landscape
Neorealism’s Power and Restraint: A Tribute to Waltz on his 100th Birthday Schweller, Randall
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1165

Abstract

Kenneth Waltz constructed a pure theory of international politics by isolating structural from unit-level causes. Today’s return of great-power politics signals the persistent relevance of Waltz’s notion of patterns and regularities driven by structural-systemic forces. We have entered an unbalanced bipolar world, in which America still exceeds China in every important category of national power but the gap is narrowing. The relative-power trajectories of the two sides now frames the structural dynamics of their relationship, and how others perceive and calculate their strategic competition. No longer occupying a position of “primacy” either globally or in the Asian Pacific region, the United States now tends to exaggerate, not underestimate, the perceived threat from China in the economic and security realms. More broadly, the world is transitioning from hegemonic order to global disharmony and a restored balance of power—what I refer to as a “Dissent” phase of history. In this phase, disruption of global stability comes not only from the emergence of a counter-hegemonic alliance, which begins to voice its dissatisfaction with the status-quo order and underlying social purpose. It also comes from the hegemon itself, which behaves in ways that undermine its own order—an order that it now sees as not only unprofitable but a drain on its wasting assets through sponging allies and the exorbitant costs of delivering global public goods.
Olive Oil and Basketball: On Collective Memory and America’s Troubled Alliances with the Philippines and Thailand Raymond, Greg
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1184

Abstract

United States’ alliances in Southeast Asia are troubled. This paper argues that dominant frameworks for understanding alliance dynamics, which assume that rational calculation and bargaining are the primary sources of alliance dynamics, are inadequate for explaining the fragility of US alliances with Thailand and the Philippines. It proposes that a constructivist perspective, emphasising identity, emotion, and collective memory, offers a useful supplementary lens for explaining why some alliances experience turbulence. The paper sets out the theoretical case for examining collective memory in an alliance context, together with a methodology for practical application. The paper finds that in the US-Thai alliance, the domestic politics of collective memory has constrained commemoration of highpoints in the longstanding US-Thai military partnership, leaving the alliance with weaker public support and more vulnerable to strains than would otherwise have been the case. In the Philippines, state sanctioned narratives recognising shared sacrifice during the Second World War are counterbalanced by traumatic memories of the United States-Philippines colonial war, producing a deep ambivalence. These results point to the need for more systematic analysis of collective memory as an important variable in international politics.
The Ideology Critique of Mearsheimer’s Theory of Offensive Neorealism: The Case of Russia-Ukraine War and Its Ideologization in Indonesia Maliki, Musa; Saraswati, Dini Putri
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1212

Abstract

This article examines the ideology critique of Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive neorealism because his theory preoccupies the reality of world politics, especially in the Russia-Ukraine War case. In the International Relations (IR) discipline, we have problems with a methodology and its assumptions, especially mainstream theories which reduces the reality of world politics. In this regard, we view neorealism has problems. After Waltz’s theory of defensive neorealism, Mearsheimer’s theory is becoming the ideology of IR to make sense of world politics, especially in Indonesia where scholars of IR mostly quote Mearsheimer as the master who knows deeply, the Russia-Ukraine War. By using the critical theory approach, we argue that the theory of offensive neorealism is ideological because this theory is believed as a ‘faith’ to make sense of the reality of the Russia-Ukraine War without questioning the epistemological and methodological assumptions. Neorealism is still a mainstream theory in IR, especially in Indonesia. We will conduct the ideology critique of Mearsheimer’s theory in order to argue that offensive neorealism is a theory that supports great-power countries, including their ideological practice to maintain their positions. In the frame of offensive neorealism, whether you are against or pro-Ukraine, it does not matter because, in the end, this theory only represents, sees, and observes great power countries like Russia and America while the weak states should realistically accept big power countries. Therefore, the theory of offensive neorealism does not seem to consider small countries.
Rise of Quad as a ‘Premier Regional Grouping’ Shekhar, Vibhanshu
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1287

Abstract

The rise of the Biden Administration in the United States has coincided with the rise of Quad as a ‘premier regional grouping’ in the Indo-Pacific region with a robust agenda of cooperation that spans across strategic, economic, technological, environmental and developmental areas. The Quad’s ambitious agenda underpins the member-states’ deliberate effort to align its two foundational bases – balancing and normative – in the grouping’s outlook. The new Quad aims at achieving three-fold objectives – limiting China’s growing influence and assertive behaviour, augmenting new technological capacity of its member-states and projecting the grouping as a provider of regional good. However, the Quad continues to face various challenges, which relate to both the intent and functional capacity of the member-states and limit the grouping’s effectiveness in achieving its vastly ambitious agenda. The success of the Quad as an informal regional grouping will depend on the member-states’ willingness to overcome differences and navigate across diverse strategic priorities to chart a shared journey.
The Stakes Could Not Be Higher: The Allied Response in Ukraine Arnold, Richard
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1305

Abstract

Why are the United States and other western NATO allies so invested in the war in Ukraine? Why have NATO partners provided such enormous military assistance? This short essay argues that Russia’s attempt to override the sovereignty of its neighbour poses a threat not just to Ukraine (although it is, of course, principally that) but also a threat to the modern world order which is built on fundamentally liberal institutions. Nor is it just the fact of Russia’s invasion (второжение) but also how the war is being prosecuted. The essay then examines President Volodymyr Zelensky’s attempts to cultivate his image in line with Western heroes like Washington and Churchill before turning to rebutting potential criticisms. In all, the essay concludes that the stakes for the world could not be higher.
Notes from the Executive Editor Sulaiman, Yohanes
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1312

Abstract

As the executive editor, I would like to thank our readers, authors, reviewers, and our editorial staff for your continuous interest and support to Journal of Global Strategic Studies. With all of your support and prayers, we are able to achieve a new milestone of continuous publications of excellent scholarly works for the past two years. I am hoping that as we are approaching the end of 2022, the new year will bring more positive changes and developments to our journal.
U.S. Military Strategy Since Vietnam Mueller, John
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1523

Abstract

Impelled by an overwhelming desire to hunt down those responsible for the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the United States launched military invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq where it toppled regimes that had little or nothing to do with 9/11. There has been a tendency to see these exercises as misguided elements of a coherent plan to establish a “liberal world order” or to apply “liberal hegemony.” In fact however, the militarization of the post-9/11 period has been a glaring, extended, and highly consequential aberration. During the quarter century before that, the United States pursued a foreign policy that was far more restrained militarily, and it seems ready now to resume that tradition after its exhausting 9/11-induced military ventures which have so thoroughly failed to deliver satisfactory results at an acceptable cost. Moreover, public opinion in the United States it is not messianic or in constant search of monsters abroad to destroy. As part of its move back to a more restrained military policy, the United States developed—or further developed—a strategy called “by, with, and through” that was particularly evident in its successful military campaign from 2014 to 2019 against the Islamic State. In this, the United States worked with local forces by providing advice, supplies, and intelligence, and carrying out airstrikes while the locals were expected to take almost all of the casualties. Although hardly new, this approach seems to have a future and is currently being applied in the war in Ukraine.
China's Role in Global Governance in The Post-COVID-19 Era Yun, Zhang
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1534

Abstract

China's role in global governance has attracted the attention of the international community since 2018, and academic discussions on China's role have been continuing. As the global transformation, scholars pay more attentions to how China's status as a great power more and more impact global governance system and the word order. This paper discusses China's status in global governance from the perspectives of China's regional, international, and global identity. The article believes that China's role in global governance is firstly regional, and China's status in the international community is between a regional power and a global power. China still lacks the ability and willingness on global governance. China’s positioning in global governance is based on the original post-World War II United Nations Charter and China’s influence on global governance is constructive and complementary. China’s BRI is an international public good provided to the international community, especially to the Eurasian states and it has great impact on regional governance and global governance and will benefit the world.
ASEAN (in)Security Community Rosyidin, Mohamad
Journal Of Global Strategic Studies Vol 3 No 1 (2023): Journal of Global Strategic Studies
Publisher : Master's Programs in International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Jenderal Achmad Yani University (UNJANI).

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jgss.v3i1.1556

Abstract

The existence of arms modernization can be regarded as the high degree of security dilemma among states. In Southeast Asia, the fact that defense budget escalation followed by the military modernization may be the biggest obstacle to create an ASEAN Security Community. Unfortunately, there have been a little attention on the issue studying the correlation between arms modernization and the prospect of ASEAN Security Community. This paper seeks to fill the gap by analyzing how arms modernization in Southeast Asia is counterproductive to the ASEAN Security Community development. Using constructivism in International Relations, this paper argues that arms modernization among several ASEAN member states hinders collective identity building as a fundamental factor behind the security community. This argument implies that the formation of ASEAN Security Community will not create long-lasting peace in the region. This paper suggests that ASEAN should focus on collective identity formation to strengthen its own body institution rather than merely declare in a formal treaty.

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