Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Alternatif adalah Jurnal yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh jurnal yang diterbitkan Program Studi Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Jayabaya, DKI Jakarta, Indonesia. Jurnal ini menyediakan ruang atau wadah bagi para akademisi, peneliti, dan praktisi untuk berinteraksi dan menyajikan artikel hasil penelitian. Setiap manuskrip yang dikirimkan akan ditinjau oleh reviewer atau peninjau. Proses review dilakukan dengan double-blind review, dimana reviewer tidak mengetahui identitas penulis, dan begitupun sebaliknya, penulis tidak mengetahui identitas reviewer. Artikel-artikel hasil penelitian pada jurnal ini bersifat open access (akses terbuka). Dengan demikian, seluruh artikel dapat diakses oleh siapapun dan dimanfaatkan sesuai kebutuhan berdasarkan kode etik. Artikel-artikel pada jurnal ini difokuskan pada bidang Foreign Policy, Conflict Resolution, Security Studies, International Political Economy, Regionalism, Regimes, Gender and International Relations, International Organization & Non-International Organization, Diplomacy, Media- Environmental and Climate Change Issue
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24 Documents
<![CDATA[Arti Penting Pengakuan Atas Berdirinya Negara Baru dalam Hubungan Diplomatik ]]>
<![CDATA[Denny Ramdhany]]>;
<![CDATA[Imam Mahrudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[ARTI PENTING PENGAKUAN ATAS BERDIRINYA NEGARA BARU DALAM HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK]]>
<![CDATA[Revitalisasi Hubungan China-India Melalui Peran Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) : Perspektif Konstruktivisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Fetra Ardianto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[China and India were born as two economic giants which cooperate with each other in an economic association known as BRICS. However, the rivalry between the two countries is inevitable and continues, especially in the border areas. Seeing these conditions, China and Russia are trying to invite India to join as a permanent member of the Shanghai Cooperations Organization (SCO). The invitation received a positive response from the Indian side, where on 9 June 2017 India officially joined as a permanent member of the SCO. This study focuses on the role of SCO in efforts to revitalize relations between China and India. In general, it can be concluded that there are two roles performed by the SCO in an effort to revitalize relations between the two countries, namely through cooperation in the security and economic fields. In particular, by using the constructivism perspective, it can be understood that in this case the SCO acts as a form of collective identity and as a form of behavioral standards or norms. The formation of a collective identity carried out by the SCO, in this case serves to direct the relations between China and India into a strong bond of friendship. In addition, with the norms or standards of behavior established by the SCO, China and India in this case will certainly try to restrain themselves from conflict with each other because of the bonds of these norms that must be obeyed by each SCO member country.]]>
<![CDATA[Humanitarian Intervention And Just War Theory: Case of Kosovo ]]>
<![CDATA[Sellita]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Kosovo crisis occurred from February 1998 until 1999 in the former Yugoslavia. This conflict started when ethnic Albanians opposed ethnic Serbians and the Yugoslav government in Kosovo. International reactions to the upsurge of the Kosovo crisis have been prompt because of its urgency. Ethnic cleansing became good considering the international response. The intervention was carried out by NATO in the Kosovo crisis. The intervention by NATO raises speculation about humanitarian intervention during the crisis and whether it is justifiable or vice versa. According to the principle of Just War Theory, human intervention can be justified by logical explanations. NATO interventions in the Kosovo crisis are the appropriate instance to describe these situations by Just War Theory.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN sebagai Lingkaran Konsentris Pertama Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Rizky Andis Rafaldhanis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[Harus disadari bahwa dalam pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri RI ada satu konsep yang sering mempengaruhi proses pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri tersebut, konsep ini dinamakan Lingkaran Konsentris. Konsep ini telah menjadi panduan bagaimana Indonesia melakukan kerjasama regional serta memudahkan seorang pembuat kebijakan dalam membuat kebijakan luar negeri dengan menggunakan skala prioritas berdasarkan wilayah mana yang dianggap lebih penting. Wilayah yang paling penting adalah wilayah yang paling dekat dengan Indonesia yaitu wilayah Asia Tenggara atau lebih luasnya, Asia-Pasifik dan Indo-Pasifik. ASEAN merupakan organisasi yang paling berpengaruh di wilayah ini sehingga Indonesia harus menjadikan ASEAN prioritas utama dalam melaksanakan kebijakan luar negeri RI. Bagaimana caranya? Yaitu dengan membantu menyelesaikan masalah-masalah di kawasan tersebut seperti Isu Laut China Selatan dan Krisis di Myanmar. Dengan Keketuaan Indonesia sebagai Ketua ASEAN 2023 mendatang, Indonesia harus segera memimpin ASEAN dan tetap berkomitmen untuk menyelesaikan kedua isu tersebut apalagi jika Indonesia bercita-cita menjadikan ASEAN sebagai pusat pertumbuhan dunia. Pertumbuhan (growth) tidak dapat dicapai jika rakyat tidak merasa aman maka dari itu keamanan (security) merupakan prioritas utama yang pertama kali harus dicapai. Keamanan juga merupakan kunci dari stabilitas regional dan menjadi syarat demokrasi bisa berlangsung tanpa hambatan. Jika keamanan regional dan stabilitas di kawasan Asia Tenggara dapat dicapai, maka kesejahteraan bersama baru dapat diraih.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi Kebijakan Angela Merkel Terhadap Gelombang Pengungsi Timur Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Steffy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the implementation of Angela Markel's policy towards the Middle East refugee wave through the CEAS policy and the Open Door Policy that was implemented, in response to the refugee crisis in Europe in 2015. This is a problem because of the many different perceptions of refugees coming from the Middle East and because Germany is the leader of the European Union in enforcing its members to implement these policies. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach using secondary data. At the national or domestic level, this policy has drawn many protests and criticisms from the public, opposition parties, and Merkel's own party, interest groups and the European Union regarding this policy. Despite receiving many rejections, Merkel remains adamant and continues to implement the policy in Germany, this is because Merkel has a point of view or perception about refugees who must be assisted in seeking protection and security. This study uses the theory of Angela Merkel's Foreign Policy and the Theory of the Copenhagen School in examining the policies issued by Merkel regarding Middle Eastern refugees.]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Bilateral Singapura - Timor Leste Pasca Penolakan Keanggotaan Timor Leste di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Fredydara Ajiva Galateya]]>;
<![CDATA[Satria Rizaldi Alchatib]]>;
<![CDATA[Christy Damayanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the relationship between Singapore and Timor Leste in the aftermath of Singapore's rejection of Timor Leste in ASEAN membership. This research was conducted using qualitative methods and also using Regionalism Theory and Bilateral Theory. The results of this study indicate that there is a cooperative relationship between Singapore and Timor Leste, although Singapore refuses to accept Timor Leste who wants to join the ASEAN Organization. This of course becomes very difficult for Timor Leste because ASEAN is Timor Leste's hope to be able to develop its country with the help of ASEAN. However, Singapore feels burdened because the requirements to enter ASEAN membership have not been fulfilled by Timor Leste. Moreover, Singapore is the main pillar of the economy in ASEAN]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Bank Sampah Terhadap Jumlah Sampah Plastik di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nina Widyaswasti Aisha]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[Isu lingkungan sudah saatnya diberikan perhatian lebih disebabkan kondisi lingkungan mulai memprihatinkan. Saat ini terdapat kondisi yang perlu diperhatikan, yaitu polusi sampah. Sampah plastik merupakan isu lingkungan yang sangat mengkhawatirkan, khususnya di Indonesia. Berdasarkan data Jambeck pada tahun 2015 disebutkan bahwa Indonesia menduduki peringkat kedua negara yang mencemari sampah plastik di perairan laut dunia, dan menurut Indonesia Solid Waste Association (InsWA) menyatakan bahwa jumlah sampah plastik yang ada di Indonesia telah mencapai angka 14% dari keseluruhan produksi sampah di Indonesia pada tahun 2015. Unilever mencetuskan penerapan 3R (Reduce, Reuse, Recycle) dengan menggunakan konsep Circular Economy dalam pengelolaan sampah, khususnya sampah plastik dan menerapkannya pada program Bank Sampah yang dikelola oleh masyarakat untuk masyarakat Indonesia. Program Bank Sampah ini sejalan dengan tujuan Pemerintah Indonesia yang ingin mengurangi 70% sampah laut yang tercantum dalam Peraturan Presiden Nomor 83 Tahun 2018. Peran Bank Sampah selain mengurangi jumlah sampah plastik yang berdasarkan Laporan Keberlanjutan Unilever tahun 2020, telah terkelola sampah 16 ribu ton dan diantaranya 12 juta ton sampah anorganik, juga memaksimalkan nilai dari suatu produk meskipun sudah menjadi sampah, yaitu dengan cara memberikan reward kepada masyarakat yang telah mengumpulkan sampah dan menyetorkan ke Bank Sampah. Sehingga dari pengelolaan Bank Sampah tersebut, adanya pemaksimalan nilai sampah yang kemudian menghasilkan manfaat berupa kenaikan ekonomi masyarakat hingga pemberdayaan manusia sebagai pekerja.]]>
<![CDATA[Navigating the Turbulent Development of KF-21 Project between South Korea and Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Abel Manullang]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[South Korea and Indonesia are no strangers in defense cooperation. The two states have been working together on a project to develop a military jet called the KFX-IFX project. However, the project's ups and downs spark questions of what lies ahead for both the project and the two states. Through the use of the qualitative research method, the article makes use of numerous secondary data to answer its research questions. To enhance the analysis, relevant concepts, like defense diplomacy and rational choice theory, are also utilized. Starting off, the article begins with explanations over the KF-IFX jet project development. The project has witnessed some negative developments that have arisen from Indonesia's tardiness in paying its share. Following that, a discussion over the driving force behind South Korea and Indonesia's defense diplomacy is provided. On this matter, the factors can be understood in terms of the benefit given to the international reputation, confidence building as well as towards capacity building of both states. After that, the article touches upon the rationality behind Indonesia's move to maintain its commitment in the project. For this, the article finds that Indonesia has a lot at stake hence abandoning the project would not be beneficial.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Rasisme Terhadap Keturunan Afrika-Amerika di Politik Pemerintahan Amerika Serikat pada Tahun 2016-2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Gilbert Ferdinand Simboh]]>;
<![CDATA[Halifa Haqqi]]>;
<![CDATA[Satria Rizaldi Alchatib]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[Racism in United States causes tragedy that impact especially in political society in international relations. Donald Trump as US President been a racist to some African-American US political actor, include congress, senate, and also how he picked his executive. Trump makes his political society look racist itself because his visions, insists of Nationalism ; Nativism ; and Protectionism. Those visions gain a lot of pro and contra for uprising white supremacy in way to lead the US country. Begin from racist to his executive that only took one political actor for his cabinet and racist to an African-American senate named Ayanna Pressley. But, on the other side, when people in America make their choice for senate and house in US House of Representatives, they did not make hard time for African-American candidate for advancing to take their place to House of Representatives. There are speculations of how big the impact of Donald Trump racism to US political society. Even though it been a lot of discussed, racist still been an issue in US, especially in political society. To analyze and answer the issue for the problem, the author uses social constructivism and color-blindness to measure how impactful the racism is for the African-American US political actor. In applying the result of this research, the author uses a descriptive text of research. For the data collection methods of the research, the author uses discourse analysis and qualitative data analysis methods.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran UN Women terhadap Gender-Based Violence di India: Studi Kasus Perempuan Kasta Dalit 2016-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pipin Indra Rohmawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Satria Rizaldi Alchatib]]>;
<![CDATA[Setyasih Harini]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2023): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[Cases of GBV (gender based violence) against women in India are an extreme manifestation of gender injustice targeting women and girls in the form of psychological, physical or sexual abuse. These manifestations of violence are rooted in various forms of discrimination and inequality faced by women. Apart from that, social norms such as patriarchy also cause Dalit women to become targets or victims of violence. Patriarchy basically encourages or justifies men to commit violence against women. The purpose of this study is to find out the role of UN WOMEN in the field of empowering women and children or gender equality, in the GBV (Gender Based Violence) Case in India with case studies of Dalit caste women in the 2016-2018 period. In this study, researchers used descriptive qualitative research methods. Research that uncovers social situations, does not use statistics, but data collection is analysis. UN Women plays a role in addressing inequality, and building resilience, by undertaking UN-Women's ongoing efforts to strengthen women's institutions, leadership and strategic interventions, to ensure that the voices of Dalit (Scheduled Castes), Ethnic (Scheduled Tribes) and religious minorities are heard and reflected in policy making. UN Women also plays a role and supports the formation of women's empowerment groups called Jugnu Clubs, in all tea plantations in Assam with the aim of preventing violence against women.]]>
