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Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Published by Universitas Jayabaya
ISSN : 20877048     EISSN : 29640563     DOI : -
Core Subject : Economy, Science, Education, Social,
Economics, Econometrics & Finance Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Social Sciences Other
Jurnal Alternatif adalah Jurnal yang dikelola dan diterbitkan oleh jurnal yang diterbitkan Program Studi Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Jayabaya, DKI Jakarta, Indonesia. Jurnal ini menyediakan ruang atau wadah bagi para akademisi, peneliti, dan praktisi untuk berinteraksi dan menyajikan artikel hasil penelitian. Setiap manuskrip yang dikirimkan akan ditinjau oleh reviewer atau peninjau. Proses review dilakukan dengan double-blind review, dimana reviewer tidak mengetahui identitas penulis, dan begitupun sebaliknya, penulis tidak mengetahui identitas reviewer. Artikel-artikel hasil penelitian pada jurnal ini bersifat open access (akses terbuka). Dengan demikian, seluruh artikel dapat diakses oleh siapapun dan dimanfaatkan sesuai kebutuhan berdasarkan kode etik. Artikel-artikel pada jurnal ini difokuskan pada bidang Foreign Policy, Conflict Resolution, Security Studies, International Political Economy, Regionalism, Regimes, Gender and International Relations, International Organization & Non-International Organization, Diplomacy, Media- Environmental and Climate Change Issue
Arjuna Subject : Umum - Umum
Articles 24 Documents
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Hidup Bersama Berbagi Dalam Masyarakat Yang Beragam : Pengalaman Bangsa Amerika Dengan Multikulturalisme Imam Mahrudi
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

Since at the beginning American society has been heterogenous -- plural society . Under monoculturalism , descriminations were shown as segregation on the public arenas -- in school , bus school transportations , and others. Paradoxically Wasp in individual relation formulated and allowed minority practiced their own cutoms of origin cultural values in individually , groups , in their communities . In work places followed the racist national system of the government . Modern American has been able to imagine , intermingle and learn new social life of the Americanism , also respect , accept , recognize their own identities each other --- intermingle , intermarried with different race and religion . Modern America has shown a high empathic capacity in promoting nationalism , spirit individualism , and democracy. Multiculturalism America respects and accepts other outside environments as plasticity in ability to learn , to change , to adapt to new environment as shown in overcoming the 30's and 70's in economic crises. Multiculturalism strengthen all its institutions due to they are not a white -- finished product , but reflexs ongoing processes as human projects in social policies and social code Ours as Indonesian can learn from American experiences in multiculturalism in respecting and accepting other ethnic identities as we are multicultural able to transform faster to bring our livelihood in social life prosper .
Praktek Diplomasi Dari Peradaban Timur : India Kuno, China Kuno dan Islam Denny Ramdhany
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

The paper describes the development of diplomacy from the emergence of human civilization to the contemporary era. Expects in International Relations Studies have different perspectives regarding the sequence of development in the practice of Diplomatik Western writers tend to start discussing the evolution of diplomacy starting from the ancient Greek era by setting aside the Diplomatik thoughts and activities of eastern civilization, such as ancient India, ancient China, dan Islam. In fact, the three civilization also contributed greatly to both the thinking and the development of Diplomatik representation in 1961 adopting Kautilya’s ideas. Likewise ancient China thought contributed to aspect of international relations and Diplomatik. In Islam, Diplomatik is nont only related to worldly affairs, but also to matters of the hereafter. Therefore, diplomacy has strong historical roots in Islam. Based on this, the author will try to describe the thoughts of expects, especially regarding the practice of diplomacy in ancient India, ancient China, and Islam as additional references that have not been discussed by western thinkers.
Wacana Poskolonial: Islamic Worldview Dalam Studi Hubungan Internasionsl Kontemporer Muhammad Nidhal Ezzat Luthfi
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

Modern International Relations thoughts are forms of colonialization of Western discourse on the non-Western ontology of reality, epistemology and axiology. Therefore the study of IR needs to represent small narratives, especially from the post-colonial discourse. Post-Cold War, the global revival phenomenon of religious discourse became a new agenda on IR discipline. The emergence of the Islamic tradition thought which places Islam as the most important basis on its scientific development opposes the mainstream tradition of IR positivistic. Islam with its unique Islamic worldview has a comprehensive dimension which also includes basic principles on exercising relations between nations. This article seeks to revive the Islamic perspective in contemporary IR studies to celebrate the plurality of thinking beyond the secular Western IR tradition. However, it is still difficult to develop a systematic and structured understanding of Islamic IR theorization as codified in the positivist and post-positivist paradigms
Alasan Indonesia Tidak Meratifikasi The Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) Achmad Ismail
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

The Vision of President Jokowi to create Indonesia as world maritime axis meets variety of challenges. Piracy and armed robbery are the real threat faced by each state, in particular Indonesia as maritime (archipelagic) state. The escalation more be realized in real life. For facing the challenges, states in Asia create The Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP). Unfortunately, Indonesia is not joined into that regional cooperation that makes this phenomenon is very interesting to investigate. Therefore, this article aimed to understand the reason of Indonesia is not ratify ReCAAP using Foreign Policy concept that popularized by James Rosenau is needed as “knive of analysis”. The writing begins with a condition piracy and armed robbery in region of Asia, in particular Indonesia, followed by an exposure foreign policy concept from James Rosenau, discussion from (systemic, societal, governmental & idiosyncratic sources) that causing foreign policy of Indonesia is not ratify ReCAAP.
Studi Keamanan Internasional Pasca Perang Dingin Umar Suryadi Bakry
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

This paper is intended to explain the conceptual developments in International Security Studies after the end of the Cold War. Since the end of the Cold War, there has been something of a paradigm shift in both International Relations and International Security Studies. First, there was a ‘widening’ or ‘broadening’ of the subject area of International Security Studies. International Security Studies is no longer focused on issues of conflict, nuclear weapons, and military strategy of the big powers, but has been widened and broadened on the issues that are marginalized by various high-level diplomacy during the Cold War era, such as environmental degradation, economic security, scarcity of energy and other natural resources, the problem of infectious diseases, and others. Second, there was also a trend towards ‘deepening’ in International Security Studies. This referred to the shift of emphasis away from the security of the national state towards a greater concern for the security of the individual. This shift in focus has given rise to increasing interest in the topics of 'human security', as well as a recognition that during the application of the concept of 'national security' that glorified many countries did not cover or protect the security of individual.
Marketing Communication in International Relations Sharazani Velayati
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

The goal of this article is discuss the connection between marketing communication and the discipline of international relations. Basically International Relations is learning about global issues, social science and global policy. Marketing communication is adapting our message so that it fits the desired market. For marketers, having a solid understanding of global issues, policies and cultures is a necessity for marketing communication. Marketing communication,’ international trade, globalization, the liberal-capitalist world order — however we want to refer to international economic relations — clearly ties states together
ACFTA (ASEAN -CHINA Free Trade Area): Menguntungakan Atau Merugikan Indonesia ? Ditinjau dari Perspektif Neoliberalisme Sinta Julina
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

The background of the research is that globalization causes rapid changes in various dimensions in international relations, so that countries in the world absolutely must cooperate between countries. Similarly with countries in Southeast Asia (ASEAN) and China, they believe that international cooperation can provide strength to face regionalism and economic blocs. Therefore they agreed to carry out free trade cooperation ACFTA then inaugurated the free trade of ASEAN and China in January 2010. In November 2018 President Joko Widodo finally ratified the "Protocol to Amend the Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Co-operation and Certain Agreements thereunder between ASEAN and the People's Republic of China (2015). ACFTA is an agreement between ASEAN member countries and China to create a free trade area by eliminating or reduce barriers to trade in goods, both tariff and non-tariff, increase market access for services, investment rules and regulations. Even though it's already implementation of the ACFTA is still causing differences of opinion. Many are optimistic about accepting the implementation of ACFTA as something beneficial. However, not a few are also skeptical and pessimistic about the implementation of ACFTA because it is seen as detrimental to Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to examine whether ACFTA benefits or harms Indonesia? from the perspective of neoliberalism. To analyze and answer the formulation of the problem, the author uses the Neoliberalism Perspective. = The results of this study are viewed from the perspective of Neoliberalism, ACFTA has proven to be profitable for Indonesia.
Pemetaan Konflik dan Upaya Negosiasi di Konflik Suriah Muhammad Rizky Andis Rafaldhanis; Hardiyan Saputra
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

Konflik yang terjadi di Suriah tidak dapat terlepas dari fenomena Arab Spring yang mulai muncul pada tahun 2010. Namun pada tahun 2011, gelombang fenomena Arab Spring mulai menjalar di Suriah, tepatnya di kota Deera. Akar konflik Suriah berawal dari ketidakpuasan rakyat terhadap pemerintahan Bashar al-Assad. Bashar al-Assad adalah penerus rezim Assad sekaligus keturunan dari Hafez al-Assad. Situasi di Suriah makin kacau balau, setelah kekuatan lain dari luar ikut campur dan mendukung pihak-pihak yang bertikai. Perang Saudara Suriah adalah hasil dari penyebab jangka panjang dan jangka pendek yang kompleks dan saling terkait, termasuk ketegangan sosial-politik dan agama, kondisi ekonomi yang buruk, dan gelombang pemberontakan politik yang melanda Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara pada tahun 2011. Di akhir tahun 2021, polar kekuatan oposisi sudah mulai padam dan kekuatan mulai bergilir, secara umum kelompok oposisi terbagi menjadi tiga kelompok besar, yaitu: Pemberontak Moderat yaitu (Free Syrian Army & Ahrar al-Sham), Militan Radikal (Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) dan ISIS), dan Pemberontak Kurdi (Rojava/SDF). Masing-masing kelompok pemberontak memiliki tujuannya, sifat terpecah-belah dan bantuan pihak asing memudahkan kelompok loyalis dan pemerintah untuk mengambil alih wilayahnya. Salah satu langkah dalam memunculkan solusi dalam konflik adalah dengan melakukan pemetaan konflik, maka dari itu untuk dapat memahami konflik ini kami akan menjabarkan pemetaan detail terkait konflik yang terjadi akhir-akhir ini sekaligus dengan upaya negosiasi yang telah dilakukan pihak ketiga. Kata Kunci: Konflik Suriah, Pemberontak Kurdi, Militan Radikal, Pemberontak Moderat,
Invasi Turki terhadap Suriah: Sebuah Analisa Arya Dimas Kartanaputra; Keilani Kekona Situmorang
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

Operasi militer Turki yang telah lama direncanakan di Suriah Timur Laut telah diluncurkan. Pada tahun 2015, milisi Kurdi dan non-Kurdi di wilayah tersebut bersatu untuk membentuk Pasukan Demokratik Suriah, atau SDF, dan mulai mendorong ISIS kembali. PKK telah mendorong otonomi yang lebih besar bagi orang Kurdi yang tinggal di Turki. Erdogan mengklaim PKK bersekutu dengan pasukan Kurdi di Suriah dan dia melihat pengaruh mereka yang berkembang di seberang perbatasan sebagai risiko. Wilayah yang dikuasai Kurdi di Suriah dapat menginspirasi orang Kurdi di Turki untuk mengimpor model yang sama di negaranya. Yang pertama terjadi pada tahun 2016 ketika pasukan Turki menyerang di sini di barat laut untuk mendorong kembali ISIS dan memblokir ekspansi Kurdi di sepanjang perbatasan. Dengan tekanan politik yang meningkat di dalam negeri, Erdogan dan pemerintahnya mengancam akan pindah ke Suriah sendiri. AS, sekutu Turki dan pendukung militer Kurdi, masih memiliki pasukan yang ditempatkan di Suriah utara. Penarikan AS dan invasi Turki telah menciptakan kekosongan kekuasaan baru di Suriah utara, yang dengan cepat terisi. Serangan semacam itu yang sebagian besar disalahkan pada pemerintah Suriah dan Rusia - hanya membuat setengah dari rumah sakit di negara itu berfungsi penuh. Kata Kunci: Kurdi, Suriah, Turki, Pemerintah, Perbatasan
Mendalami Peran dan Kepentingan Aktor-AKtor dalam Konflik di Suriah Ria Suhartini; Bilgis Meisha Calista
Jurnal Alternatif - Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Alternatif : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Jayabaya

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Abstract

Salah satu faktor yang membuat Presiden Suriah, Bashar Al-Assad, memiliki pemerintahan dan kekuasaan yang kokoh dan kuat adalah dengan mengintegrasikan kekuatan militer dalam sistem pemerintahannya. Selain itu, kekuatan militer ini diperkuat dengan keterlibatan dua aktor asing, yaitu: Rusia dan Iran. Keterlibatan Rusia dalam perang Suriah memiliki alasan kuat untuk mempererat hubungan mereka. Selain permintaan pemerintah Suriah, Rusia juga merasa memiliki kepentingan yang harus mereka lindungi seperti kepentingan untuk memperluas dan memperkuat kehadiran militernya di Timur Tengah. Iran dan Suriah adalah dua negara yang memiliki hubungan luar negeri yang baik dan keduanya selalu berani mengambil tindakan yang dilakukan oleh Israel di kawasan Timur Tengah, apalagi ketika tindakan tersebut berdampak negatif bagi warga Palestina dan Gaza. Pemberontakan terhadap pemerintah Suriah tidak hanya didukung oleh rakyat biasa tetapi juga kekuatan asing seperti Arab Saudi yang merupakan sekutu Amerika Serikat yang sedang melakukan perang proxy di Suriah melawan Iran. Amerika Serikat dan sekutunya sangat aktif memberikan bantuan kepada pemberontak/oposisi di Suriah. Setidaknya ada dua kelompok pemberontak besar dalam konflik Suriah, yaitu kelompok dari pembelot militer Suriah dan kelompok dari aktivis jihad. Tentara Pembebasan Suriah adalah contoh kelompok militer yang membelot dari pemerintah Suriah yang dipimpin oleh Kolonel Riad Al-Assad. Selain kelompok Jihadis dan pemberontak militan moderat, ada kelompok Kurdi yang memiliki tujuan sendiri dalam konflik ini yaitu adanya kepentingan untuk memberikan sebuah daerah otonomi khusus untuk bangsa Kurdi. Hal-hal diatas merupakan faktor yang merubah Perang Saudara di Suriah menjadi salah satu konflik kontemporer yang sangat rumit untuk diselesaikan.

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