Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal
PCD Journal is an initiative to promote works and reports written in high-quality academic standard on the dynamics of power, conflict, and democracy in developing countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia. Themes on practices of human rights, popular representation, and participatory-based public policy are amongst the interests of the initiative. It is considered that there is a serious lack of scholarly publishers within this geographical area and within these thematic fields, partly, due to the colonial pattern in international publication. PCD Publication seeks to alter the condition. The main discipline area of the initiative is social sciences with sub-discipline areas in political science, human geography, and political anthropology. We invite concerned scholars and experts in related themes to share and discuss their research, knowledge, and works in academically equal spirit. The published works and reports in PCD Journal are under the condition of having to pass through the peer review system, involving international academics and experts. PCD Journal is set up as a network project, currently, involving Universitas Gadjah Mada in Indonesia, the University Colombo in Sri Lanka, and the University of Oslo in Norway. Demos Indonesia (the Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka, and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka, are added into the collaboration. PCD Journal is currently managed by Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada (DPP UGM). Operationally, it is managed by DPP UGM research and publication unit, named as PolGov (Research Centre for Politics and Government). This management is continuing what has been respectably initiated by the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS UGM)
Articles
82 Documents
<![CDATA[Pre-Election Dynamics in Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Sherlly Rossa]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Sidik Efendi]]>;
<![CDATA[Lenny Aurelia Amilia]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ali Syahadah]]>;
<![CDATA[Stefanus Ega Panji Panuntun]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.21119
<![CDATA[This study examines electoral conflict dynamics in Indonesia's Yogyakarta Special Region, which is identified as the second-most vulnerable region nationally, with a score of 63.67% on the 2024 Election Vulnerability Index (Indeks Kerawanan Pemilu/IKP). A significant driver of this vulnerability is the recurrent conflict among political party-affiliated groups or grassroots organisations (often referred to as "underbows"), which tends to escalate during election periods. This research aims to analyse the historical context and decompose the core factors contributing to these conflicts. It also seeks to formulate a comprehensive, multi-stakeholder roadmap for conflict mitigation ahead of the 2024 general elections. Employing a qualitative, phenomenological approach, the study is theoretically grounded in Paul Wehr's (2019) conflict anatomy framework and the patron–client political-economic perspectives developed by Gerry van Klinken & Ward Berenschot (2018). Our findings reveal five key conflict triggers: historical legacies, personal rivalries, "black campaigns" by political parties, ambiguous security strategies, and entrenched political-economic interests. This research contributes to scientific knowledge by applying and extending conflict anatomy and patron-client theories to the specific context of Indonesian sub-national electoral violence, providing a nuanced understanding of its underlying mechanisms. Based on these insights, we propose practical resolutions, including enhancing civic political education, strengthening law enforcement, and strategically mapping vulnerable areas. These evidence-based recommendations are critical for fostering a more peaceful, participatory, and democratic electoral environment in Yogyakarta.]]>
<![CDATA[A Critical Analysis of Collaborative Approaches ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitriana Arum Dita Rukmana]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.21258
<![CDATA[This article analyses the critical collaboration between the civil community and the government. Forum Komunitas Sungai Sleman (FKSS), in association with the Environmental Agency of Sleman regency, endeavors to resolve the environmental issue of river water pollution that occurs around Sleman regency. This collaboration between was analysed by looking at the critical engagement of FKSS and employing social movement theory. This theory is relevant because it explains how collective community actions can influence policy and governance processes. River water pollution is a persistent environmental issue in many developing regions, including Indonesia, where local community involvement in governance is still limited. This article employs a case study research method and follows qualitative research principles. Data for this study were collected through observation, interviews, and a review with relevant literature. The interviews were conducted with six participants. The research concludes that FKSS functions not as a governmental instrument for issue resolution but as a cooperative partner in governance. FKSS also granted specific authority to engage in the decision-making process, collaborate as a governmental partner, and critically evaluate governmental policies. The findings provide insight for policymakers seeking to strengthen community-based environmental governance.]]>
<![CDATA[Constructing HEIs Performance ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugroho Prasetyo Aditama]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.23255
<![CDATA[This study analyses how higher education institutions (HEIs) performance is constructed within the 2020–2021 Merdeka Belajar-Kampus Merdeka (MBKM) policy, within the context of the strengthening of neoliberal ideology in Indonesian higher education. Using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis approach, this study examines five policy documents and elaborates on them with interviews with five MBKM student participants. NVIVO was used as a tool to facilitate in-depth analysis of the analysed aspects. The results show that the MBKM policy frames HEIs as institutions that support economic growth through discursive representations that emphasise neoliberal logic, such as efficiency, competitiveness, and industrial relevance. Terms such as "independence" and "selling point" are widely used and operated symbolically, obscuring ideological dominance and limiting the autonomy of higher education actors. Indikator Kinerja Utama (IKU) system serves as an instrument for disciplining institutions through the performative construction of HEIs through a series of indicators aligned with neoliberal values. This study emphasise that higher education policy is not neutral but rather part of a social practice shaped by the interests of state actors, industry, and international financial institutions. Therefore, evaluation of HEIs performance needs to include an ideological reading, so that higher education can be returned to a liberating socio-academic role, rather than simply serving market interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Do Santri Still Obey the Kiai? ]]>
<![CDATA[Ayu Amanda A’isyatul Khumairo’]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.23363
<![CDATA[Amid narratives of Generation Z’s heightened political awareness through internet access, this study examines a specific subset: santri in Islamic boarding schools—Muslim groups with limited access to the internet to engage in online political discourse. They are frequently characterised as merely a traditional group, and prior studies have largely attributed their political choices to the authority of the kiai (pesantren leaders). To revisit this assumption, the study was conducted in two contrasting Islamic boarding school traditions: traditional and modern. It investigates five potential influences on santri voting behaviour in Indonesia’s 2024 Presidential Election: kiai, teachers (ustaz/ustazah), peer groups, political promises, and evaluations of the Joko Widodo–Ma’ruf Amin government. This study, employing mixed methods, reveals that, contrary to previous studies, kiai exert no significant influence. Instead, teachers shape political preferences through classroom discussions, which also enable students to critically evaluate the Jokowi–Ma’ruf government. These findings enhance the diversity within the field of voting behaviour studies in religion communities with limited internet access while challenging assumptions about Generation Z’s short-term political outlook. The findings also extend voting behavior theory in the context of religious communities with restricted internet access.]]>
<![CDATA[Negotiating Solidarity ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohamed Fouz Mohamed Zacky]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.24701
<![CDATA[In a recent study, Huberman (2025) argues that Latin American leftist governments, despite expressing solidarity with the Palestinian cause, are constrained by the global order and the capitalist system in further deepening its strategic influence on the Israel-Palestine conflict. Drawing on this insight, the present study examines how Sri Lanka’s newly elected National People’s Power (NPP)-led government has responded to the ongoing Israeli occupation and genocide in Gaza. Similar to cases in Latin America, the Sri Lankan context is particularly pertinent given the NPP’s left-leaning orientation. This study argues that, despite the party’s anti-imperialist ideological commitment to the Palestinian cause, the NPP largely replicates the trajectory of previous administrations—reaffirming support for Palestinian self-determination while simultaneously pursuing strategic engagement with Israel. Crucially, the government has refrained from adopting substantive measures to alter this established pattern, even amid global condemnation of Israel’s disproportionate bombardment of Gaza. A key factor constraining its response is Sri Lanka’s economic vulnerability. Finally, beyond supporting international resolutions, the study recommends that the government clearly articulate its opposition to Israel’s ongoing military assault in Gaza and implement concrete measures—such as ensuring that tourism, trade, and other exchanges even do not indirectly support the Israeli illegal occupation of Palestine.]]>
<![CDATA[Social Media and Social Movement ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafi Baihaqi]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 13 No 2 (2025): PCD Journal Vol. 13 No. 2 2025 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v13i2.24936
<![CDATA[This study analyses the strategies of the Orang Tua Bergerak movement in advocating against the alleged wrongful arrest in the Gedongkuning klitih case of 2022 by employing both digital (online) and direct (offline) methods. Using a qualitative approach and content analysis, this study identifies the strategic and communicative practices developed by the movement in collaboration with cross-movement actors. The findings reveal three key points. First, Orang Tua Bergerak utilised social media platforms, including Instagram, X, and Facebook, to disseminate digital posters, online writings, petitions, and documentary videos. These outputs incorporated injustice framing, aimed at mobilising broader solidarity and drawing attention from diverse movements. Second, the participation of cross-movement networks amplified public sympathy and encouraged the circulation of injustice narratives, which increased societal awareness of the Gedongkuning incident. Third, the heightened public attention was strategically leveraged by Orang Tua Bergerak to conduct direct advocacy at local and national levels, including hearings, discussions, and the Kamisan protest. These findings show how digital mobilisation complements direct action in sustaining advocacy and amplifying social justice campaigns. This study contributes theoretically by conceptualising the transition from digital activism to direct collective action within hybrid social movement frameworks.]]>
<![CDATA[Reclaiming Spaces from the Margins ]]>
<![CDATA[Faza Siddiq]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 14 No 1 (2026): PCD Journal Vol. 14 No. 1 2026 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v14i1.23243
<![CDATA[This article explores the social production of participatory spaces, its effect on the participatory mechanisms, and how marginalised groups could reshape these spaces to claim their rights. The issue of housing the poor in Indonesia has rarely been a participatory process and is dominated by state-led evictions and government-controlled public housing. A recent initiative proposed by urban poor social movements, termed kampung susun attempted to shift decision-making and empower the marginalised. Despite early successful attempts, not all have managed to deliver changes smoothly. This article aims to investigate how these spaces of participation could fail to achieve transformative results and what kinds of opportunities exist for reclaiming decisive participation. The study argues that existing power relations and prevailing political culture of the local bureaucracy, state-owned company, and even within the urban poor hinders attempts at delivering the desired outcome for the movement. Nevertheless, avenues of reshaping spaces still exist through electoral institutions and the act of creating their own spaces of engagement.]]>
<![CDATA[Algorithmic Governmentality and the Construction of Political Truth ]]>
<![CDATA[Athira Zahroh Firdausi Ramadhani]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 14 No 1 (2026): PCD Journal Vol. 14 No. 1 2026 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v14i1.26614
<![CDATA[The shift in political campaigning style ahead of the 2024 election has been largely driven by technological advancements. Candidates increasingly utilised social media, particularly TikTok, to attract the attention of Gen Z and Millennial voters. This study aims to examine how the TikTok algorithm functioned as a political marketing strategy for the Prabowo–Gibran pair and to analyse the power relations embedded within their digital campaign. Employing a qualitative methodology the research uses content analysis techniques underpinned by Michel Foucault’s perspective on discourse theory. Were gathered through a literature review and observation of TikTok content. While content analysis identifies specific campaign patterns and strategies, the Foucauldian lens reveals the power relations operating within algorithmic mechanisms. The findings demonstrate that the Prabowo–Gibran campaign used the ‘gemoy’ dance, viral jingles, and AI-generated cartoons to engage young voters. Through discourse practices that shape a new ‘regime of truth’, the ‘reversal to real’ strategy successfully transformed Prabowo’s public persona from a stern military figure into a populist one. Furthermore, the power relations within Jokowi’s political network were widely disseminated via TikTok, with algorithms serving as a ‘technology of power’ that governed voter preferences and contributes to the pair’s victory.]]>
<![CDATA[Rage with the Machine: When Cyber Troops Oppose the Regime ]]>
<![CDATA[Fandy Arrifqi]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 14 No 1 (2026): PCD Journal Vol. 14 No. 1 2026 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v14i1.29146
<![CDATA[The advent of social media has brought political conversations and activities into the cyber world. One consequence of this is the emergence of cyber troops: special cyber forces that aim to manipulate public opinion on social media. These cyber troops are usually hired by political or economic entities to serve their interests. However, the concept of ludic cybermilitia challenges this, suggesting that cyber troops are not solely controlled by political and economic entities. According to this concept, cyber troops are independent actors engaged in a form of privatised violence. This study builds on findings relating to the hashtags #SaveKIPKuliah and #SavePulauGebe, which oppose political and economic actors. Similarities in content and posting patterns between the tweets suggest that the two hashtags represent coordinated attacks. Based on these findings, the study proposes that cyber troops may also resist political and economic actors through privatised violence.]]>
<![CDATA[Consolidating Wealth and Power ]]>
<![CDATA[Tika Mardianti Lestari]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 14 No 1 (2026): PCD Journal Vol. 14 No. 1 2026 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v14i1.26504
<![CDATA[This study examines how the Basalamah family business was strengthened using political and social strategies. A qualitative method and case study approach was used for data collection, involving observation, in-depth interviews and documentation. Unlike previous business and political studies, this paper considers social capital as well as economic capital. This study complements political economy literature by demonstrating the influence of economic, political and religious identity forces on business and politics at the local level. The political strategy employed involved building a patronage network with local political elites, such as the Regent of Banyumas under the leadership of Joko Sudantoko, Aris Setiono and Mardjoko, and entering the world of practical politics by holding strategic positions in the Banyumas Regency Regional House of Representatives (Regency Council). Both strategies are important because informal connectivity is needed to build relationships with local political elites and to become directly involved in politics (i.e. policy-making) for the sake of business interests. The social strategy employed was to strengthen social networks and reinforce the religious social space through the Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah social foundation in Purwokerto. This social strategy strengthens the bond between economic and political forces in perpetuating their business interests while safeguarding ethnic identity.]]>
