Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal
PCD Journal is an initiative to promote works and reports written in high-quality academic standard on the dynamics of power, conflict, and democracy in developing countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia. Themes on practices of human rights, popular representation, and participatory-based public policy are amongst the interests of the initiative. It is considered that there is a serious lack of scholarly publishers within this geographical area and within these thematic fields, partly, due to the colonial pattern in international publication. PCD Publication seeks to alter the condition. The main discipline area of the initiative is social sciences with sub-discipline areas in political science, human geography, and political anthropology. We invite concerned scholars and experts in related themes to share and discuss their research, knowledge, and works in academically equal spirit. The published works and reports in PCD Journal are under the condition of having to pass through the peer review system, involving international academics and experts. PCD Journal is set up as a network project, currently, involving Universitas Gadjah Mada in Indonesia, the University Colombo in Sri Lanka, and the University of Oslo in Norway. Demos Indonesia (the Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka, and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka, are added into the collaboration. PCD Journal is currently managed by Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada (DPP UGM). Operationally, it is managed by DPP UGM research and publication unit, named as PolGov (Research Centre for Politics and Government). This management is continuing what has been respectably initiated by the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS UGM)
Articles
68 Documents
<![CDATA[The Disorientation of the Political Capacity of Indonesian Pro-Democracy Activists ]]>
<![CDATA[Samadhi, Willy Purna]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 10 No 2 (2022): PCD Journal Volume 10 No. 2 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6249
<![CDATA[This study examines the political performance of pro-democracy activists in Indonesia after the end of the New Order. Using a democratic transformative politics approach, this study confronts aspects of the political capacity of pro-democracy activists with the need for popular control to work effectively. It finds that activists have been disoriented towards the development of political capacity and popular control. This study contributes to the study of Indonesian democracy by placing the issue of political capacity for building popular control as an integral part of the problem of democracy. The problems of democratisation are not only caused by the domination of political elites who have established oligarchies, but also by pro-democracy activists themselves ignoring the importance of developing collective political capacity as a means of advancing popular control. This study urges pro-democracy activists to re-orient their political capacity building and work with an agenda of consolidating the demos for civic democracy. Pro-democracy activists need to develop a systematic strategy of politicisation to strengthen citizens’ collective power through civic associations as a substitute forconstituents and voters.]]>
<![CDATA[Policy Conflict: A Conflict Analysis of the Relocation Policy of Street Vendors in Simpang Lima, Pati Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Walinegoro, Bhakti Gusti]]>;
<![CDATA[Fitriyono, Junaidul]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 10 No 2 (2022): PCD Journal Volume 10 No. 2 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6312
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyse the conflicts that stemmed from the relocation of street vendors in Simpang Lima, Pati Regency. This conflict is distinct because it is not only related to the refusal to relocate and improve facility quality, but also local government policies that failed to comprehensively address the problem, thereby wasting time and funds. This qualitative research adapts the Policy Conflict Framework (PCF) to analyse data collected through interviews and literature studies. It thus applies the latest and most appropriate framework for comprehensively analysing policy conflicts, particularly those related to the power relations between stakeholders. In so doing, it finds that relocation resulted from a regulatory mandate that was based on considerations made by the government when carrying out public governance. However, this policy created conflicts due to problems with its content and processes. The conflict in this study is evidence that involved actors’ willingness to compromise is one important factor in reducing conflict intensity.]]>
<![CDATA[The Participatory Resilience of Waste Pickers at the Bantargebang Waste Processing Site after Land Degradation ]]>
<![CDATA[Titisia, Denti]]>;
<![CDATA[Wicaksani, Dinie Wulan]]>;
<![CDATA[Rif'an, Fadil Ainur]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 10 No 2 (2022): PCD Journal Volume 10 No. 2 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.7425
<![CDATA[This study discusses the participatory resilience of the waste pickers at the Bantargebang Waste Processing Site by analysing the link between the waste pickers’ resilience and public participation after land degradation occurs. Similar studies use qualitative evidence to understand how public participation is driven by the issue of land degradation. However, this approach also begs the question as to the roles of the actors and publics involved. This study thus divides actors into two categories, i.e., implementing actors and capital-holding actors. More specifically, this study seeks to understand the realisation and practice of participatory resilience in Bantargebang. For data collection, three methods were used: library research, interviews, and observations.]]>
<![CDATA[The Flexible Role of Middlemen in the Nutmeg Distribution Scheme in Maluku ]]>
<![CDATA[baso, avryana]]>;
<![CDATA[Dana, I Gusti Ngurah Krisna]]>;
<![CDATA[Syamsuri, Ulfa Aulia]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 10 No 2 (2022): PCD Journal Volume 10 No. 2 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.7565
<![CDATA[Nutmeg cultivation in Banda Neira integrally involves middlemen, brokers who connect nutmeg farmers with the global market. Studies of such middlemen tend to emphasise the negative effects of their relationship with farmers. However, some research on their positive impact has also been conducted. This study seeks to explain the positive effects of middlemen by describing the flexibility of the brokered system. This descriptive-qualitative research, using data sourced from a study of the literature as well as interviews with resource persons, finds that flexibility has been created with the support of a communal social system that has carefully been maintained by middlemen in the nutmeg distribution scheme and supply chain. In the nutmeg distribution scheme, farmers have the option to sell nutmeg to a private actor—PT Kamboti —, but this option is not accessible to all smallholders because of the company’s profit-oriented (market) logic. This study concludes that middlemen play a flexible role, one which is positively and highly related to the social context that they have helped create and maintain. These middlemen tend to present themselves as the brothers, or at least relatives, of the farmers. As these middlemen prioritise social approaches to increase social bonding, there is no resistance to their involvement in the nutmeg distribution scheme in Maluku.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesian Political Populism in the Agrarian Sector ]]>
<![CDATA[Faiz Kasyfilham]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7252
<![CDATA[This article seeks to understand the role of populist ideology in marginalizing the agrarian sector and the agrarian populism movement in Indonesia in the Reformation Era. Indonesia is an agricultural country, so such marginalization and the limited involvement of the agrarian movement is ironic. Development studies see the marginalization of the agrarian sector as a consequence of the reorientation of economic development towards the industrial and service sectors, mostly in urban areas. Studies like this often do not look at the political side of the marginalization. This study aims to fill this gap by analyzing the phenomenon in Indonesia utilizing Margaret Canovan’s populist approach. The findings show the influence of political populism on the marginalization of the agrarian sector in the reformation era in Indonesia. Pragmatic, populist leaders exploited ‘the people’ as a political rhetorical tool to gain power without touching the agricultural sector where ‘the people’ reside.]]>
<![CDATA[Environmentalism for Nature to Environmentalism for Profit ]]>
<![CDATA[Widyana, Maulida Rita]]>;
<![CDATA[Salsabila, Ayna Jamila]]>;
<![CDATA[Yeuyanan, Herry Pragus]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7602
<![CDATA[This research discusses the discourse related to the mining of andesite stone for the construction of the Bener Dam in Purworejo, Central Java, as part of the National Strategic Project. The discourse constructed among actors is highly diverse. The dominant discourse is led by the government, which views the use of the forest for environmentalism for profit, while local residents see the forest as environmentalism for nature. Michel Foucault's discourse theory on the production of knowledge and power underscores the discourses brought forth by the government, the community, and NGOs. Meanwhile, Anja Nygren's concept of environmental discourse complements the various discourses that have emerged. The objective of this research is to observe the dynamics and discourse constructed by pro and contra actors regarding the construction of the Bener Dam. The research utilizes both primary and secondary data, with primary data obtained through direct interviews with sources such as Indonesian Forum for the Environment of Yogyakarta, Community Movement for Environmental Care in Wadas Village (GEMPADEWA), and Legal Aid Institute of Yogyakarta. The conclusion drawn from this research is that the dominant discourse constructed by the government can influence public opinion, especially through negotiations that lead to mutually beneficial agreements.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Civil Society Organizations in The Formulation of Presidential Regulation Number 7 of 2021 on Violent Extremism in Indonesia during the Period of 2020-2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Saryam, Tarikem]]>;
<![CDATA[Ragamustari, Safendri Komara]]>;
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Novianto Budi]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.8974
<![CDATA[In January 2021, President Joko Widodo signed the National Action Plan for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism that Leads to Terrorism (Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021). The increasing threats of violent extremism and terrorism make ratification of this policy urgent. The policy seeks to coordinate government and stakeholders against terrorism in Indonesia. The policy formulation demonstrates the resolve to engage the entire government and society. One of them is the roles of civil society organizations (CSOs). This study aims to describe the roles of the Wahid Foundation, C-SAVE, and Inklusif Foundation in formulating Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021. This qualitative study uses Arnstein's ladder participation as its conceptual framework. This study showed that the Wahid Foundation and the government are partners. In comparison, the C-SAVE and the Inklusif Foundation contribute to the level of tokenism. The Inklusif Foundation is only in the consultation or deliberation phase. However, despite the three CSOs having distinct work foci and levels of involvement, they have all contributed to the impetus behind the promulgation of this policy.]]>
<![CDATA[Women’s Empowerment in Madura Villages ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmawati, Aminah Dewi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mulyaningsih, Hetti]]>;
<![CDATA[Hamida, Aliya]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.9136
<![CDATA[The position of village head (klebun) in Madura is predominantly held by men, suggesting patriarchal power and political dynasties. This study explores how women klebuns responded to the situation by empowering themselves and other women. The analysis uses qualitative descriptive methods and Foucault’s theory of power and legitimacy. Data was collected from observations of 11 women klebuns and in-depth interviews with four of them. The findings reveal that female klebuns face a choice between being extensions of their male relatives or being leaders themselves. To challenge the patriarchal constructs, they strategically use political influence, establish relationships with officials, and seek support from legal aid institutions. These efforts were made to address the issue of village security centering around the Madurese people in order to regain public trust. The study unveils the complexity of women’s empowerment in Madura’s male-dominated political landscape. This encouraged female klebuns to strive and transform the social and political dynamics, advocating for gender equality and challenging existing power structures. This research offers insights into promoting women’s political empowerment at the village level, and fostering gender equity in local governance, inspiring change in Madura and beyond.]]>
<![CDATA[Three Faces of the PKS Political Party in the Formulation of the New Energy and Renewable Energy Bill ]]>
<![CDATA[Wiguna, Bangkit Adhi]]>;
<![CDATA[Lay, Dhivana Anarchia Ria]]>;
<![CDATA[Mayasari, Diana]]>;
<![CDATA[Leonard, Edo Christian]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.9336
<![CDATA[Political parties play an important role in aggregating people's interests, including in the formulation of the New Energy and Renewable Energy Bill (RUU EBET) or the EBET Bill, both at the central and regional levels. This study aims to look at the dynamics between the three faces of a political party, namely the party in the public office, central office, and at the grassroots level (Katz & Mair 1993), during the formulation of RUU EBET or the EBET Bill. Using the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as a case study, this research finds that parties in the public and central office actually depoliticize the roles of parties at the grassroots level. This depoliticization manifests itself in three ways: (1) assumptions about the inability of party structures at the regional level to discuss the EBET issues, (2) not including the interests of developing EBET at the regional level as part of the EBET Bill, and (3) narrow definitions and restrictions of the EBET Bill as a central and elite issue.]]>
<![CDATA[Challenges on Party Institutionalization ]]>
<![CDATA[Trinanda, Ghea Anissah]]>;
<![CDATA[Astanujati, Nicolas Kriswinara]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 1 (2023): PCD Journal Volume 11 No. 1 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i1.9571
<![CDATA[This article explores institutionalization challenges in the National Democrats (NasDem) Party in promoting the Renewable Energy Bill, viewed from the party’s three faces. NasDem is strategically involved in policy decision-making in the Indonesian parliament, but the three faces of the party are yet to be seen. Despite being established over a decade ago, the direction of institutionalization is still transforming, especially in the linkage between public office and the party at the grassroots. The research question is: How do the three faces of the party in NasDem impact the challenges of institutionalization? Drawing from the Renewable Energy Bill case studies, we argue that three challenges exist. First, a personalistic party’s strong influence leads to failure in two-way communications, especially at the grassroots. Second, the vision of the renewable energy law was not implemented at the grassroots because the party had to focus on regional policies. Third, although the renewable energy vision has not been fully implemented, the idea of ‘green politics’ has been realized by the party wing at the grassroots through the political education program.]]>
