Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal
PCD Journal is an initiative to promote works and reports written in high-quality academic standard on the dynamics of power, conflict, and democracy in developing countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia. Themes on practices of human rights, popular representation, and participatory-based public policy are amongst the interests of the initiative. It is considered that there is a serious lack of scholarly publishers within this geographical area and within these thematic fields, partly, due to the colonial pattern in international publication. PCD Publication seeks to alter the condition. The main discipline area of the initiative is social sciences with sub-discipline areas in political science, human geography, and political anthropology. We invite concerned scholars and experts in related themes to share and discuss their research, knowledge, and works in academically equal spirit. The published works and reports in PCD Journal are under the condition of having to pass through the peer review system, involving international academics and experts. PCD Journal is set up as a network project, currently, involving Universitas Gadjah Mada in Indonesia, the University Colombo in Sri Lanka, and the University of Oslo in Norway. Demos Indonesia (the Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka, and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka, are added into the collaboration. PCD Journal is currently managed by Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada (DPP UGM). Operationally, it is managed by DPP UGM research and publication unit, named as PolGov (Research Centre for Politics and Government). This management is continuing what has been respectably initiated by the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS UGM)
Articles
68 Documents
<![CDATA[The Impact of Indonesia’s Village Fund (Dana Desa) on Village Head Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Anshari, Khairullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Khaidir, Said]]>;
<![CDATA[Marthalina]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.9977
<![CDATA[Through the implementation of the Village Law in 2014, the Indonesian government seeks to promote rural development and village autonomy by decentralizing power. The 2014 Village Law has two important points: the village fund and the extension of a village head’s term. This article tested to what extent the village fund has impacted the village head election and whether the village fund has improved villagers’ political participation in running for the village head election. The method used in this study is quantitative through a survey of 96 random village head candidates in the 2016 village head election in 117 villages in Banjar Regency, South Kalimantan. The findings show that the village funds have an impact on the quality of the nomination of village heads and facilitate the public’s involvement in the election. This phenomenon underscores the importance of village funds in encouraging democratic practices and the grassroots community’s participation in village governance. Changes in regulations of village fund implementation influence the participation of village residents in running for village head election, encouraging them to participate in the democratic process at the village level.]]>
<![CDATA[Pancasila in a National Curriculum: Political Education or Indoctrination? ]]>
<![CDATA[Wicaksana, Ibnu Andy]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10105
<![CDATA[This article examines the operation of Pancasila, the Indonesian state ideology, in school courses in an Indonesian school in the Netherlands, “Sekolah Indonesia Den Haag” (SIDH). It aims to examine the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH, whether it functions as political education or political indoctrination. The study was conducted using qualitative data analysis, with data from interviews and field observations. The findings show that the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH is a dynamic process consisting of both cultural value and critical engagement to help students understand Indonesia's cultural heritage and instill national identity. The findings also indicate that Pancasila is taught as political education, predominantly relying on rote memorisation and prescribed textbooks, within the context of Dutch liberal cultural values. This leads to identity conflicts among the students. The findings in this study can inform policymaking in education and the formulation of curriculum. For example, to promote a more holistic understanding among students, we can foster critical thinking and open dialogue and encourage interdisciplinary exploration. Investing in teacher professional development may also facilitate meaningful teaching beyond nationalistic symbolism.]]>
<![CDATA[Resisting the Stigma of Being Papuan ]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia, Alfath Bagus Panuntun El Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramadhan, Gilang]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10191
<![CDATA[This article shows the stigmatization of Papuan youth in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY). The Papuan youth in this research is represented by a youth organization called The Mappi and Puncak Griya Sekar Aji Family Association (Ikatan Keluarga Mappi dan Puncak Griya Sekar Aji - IKMP GSA), which has made extensive efforts to create a unique identity of the indigenous people of Papua or Orang Asli Papua (OAPs) through various initiatives, such as social contributions and participation in popular culture. This study’s extensive ethnographic data over four years revealed that OAPs gradually deconstruct the prevailing negative stereotypes attached to Papuan students in DIY. The success could be attributed to OAPs’ collective efforts in establishing and running IKMP GSA. The members also exhibit a high level of self-awareness and actively participate in social activities and mainstream cultural elements in their daily lives. The results provide empirical evidence of effective, repeatable strategies to help improve Papuan students’ social lives across Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Countering Patriarchy Hegemony ]]>
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Rofii Zuhdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Jelena Jasmine]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10224
<![CDATA[The dominance of male leadership in politics indicates that patriarchal hegemony by the media is deeply entrenched in various layers of society. Women who enter political leadership are considered subordinates of men. Such dominant patriarchal hegemony has undermined and suppressed women’s leadership in the political sphere. This article aims to discuss how Megawati Soekarnoputri in Indonesia and Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom emerged against the patriarchal hegemony entrenched in the political systems of their respective countries. We applied a qualitative approach and desk study as a research method, as well as Gramsci’s concept of counter-hegemony. The analysis shows that there were three primary issues that Megawati and Thatcher opposed: (1) dependence on men in building political careers, (2) weak female leadership, and (3) the expectation for women to be obedient. By opposing these issues, these two women leaders could stand out in their respective political arena.]]>
<![CDATA[From Collective Identity to Counter-Hegemony ]]>
<![CDATA[Belolon, Handrianus Koli]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.11504
<![CDATA[In mass media, such as films, the Papuan region and people are still regarded as “the other", for example, portrayed as a people and region that needs to be civilized through various approaches. In addition, Papua is rich in natural wealth and culture, but instead of bringing prosperity, it become a source of new conflicts that threaten the existence and survival of the environment and the Papuan. This condition encourages young Papuan filmmakers and members of the Papuan Voices (PV) community to create an alternative narrative about Papua. Through documentaries produced collectively, they aim to present another side of Papua from the perspective of the Papuans. Using a poststructuralism approach elaborated with Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this study aims to explore the dynamics of collective identity formation and efforts to create counter-narratives as part of a counter-hegemony movement, namely by criticizing inequality and instilling solidarity for Papua. The analysis shows that the formation of PV’s collective identity is based on the history of Papuan suffering memories (memoria passionis) related to the experiences of injustice.]]>
<![CDATA[Women, Peace, and Security Agenda in Africa ]]>
<![CDATA[Chigudu, Daniel]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 11 No 2 (2023): PCD Journal Vol. 11 No. 2 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.13217
<![CDATA[The complex opportunities and challenges of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda articulated in the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 of 2000, and other successive resolutions, subject themselves to the proverbial interpretation of either a cup half-empty or a cup half-full. The WPS is a progressive agenda for gender programmes in Africa. The downside is that the WPS agenda appears not known beyond policy and activist circles in the continent. This study sought to interrogate the progress made by the WPS agenda in Africa since the UNSCR 1325 was adopted using secondary research and content analysis (CA) of current literature. It was revealed that despite some challenges faced the gender perspective is not deficient in peacekeeping operations (PKOs) except in peace agreements, but that gender 1325 commitments are mirrored in the mandates of PKOs. The African Union-United Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), showed the least WPS agenda consideration but the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) significantly reflected this. For the rest of Africa, it remains unclear if the agenda is stagnating or going forward. There is a host of structural challenges rooted in masculinity issues and patriarchal mind-sets among others.]]>
<![CDATA[Exploring the Relationships Between Democracy and Central Bank Independence ]]>
<![CDATA[Setiadi, Bara]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 12 No 1 (2024): PCD Journal Vol. 12 No. 1 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v12i1.14586
<![CDATA[This paper applies fixed-effect panel regression on observational data from both developed and developing countries to test the established models of the impact of democracy, political rights, civil liberties, and political institutions on central bank independence (CBI). Evidence shows that lower civil liberties and political risk statistically influence CBI in both developed and developing countries. The findings also show that well-exercised democracy and political rights significantly influence CBI in developing countries only. By contrast, most political variables do not significantly influence CBI in highly developed countries. Instead, CBI depends on macroeconomic variables such as higher taxes and international debt. These findings provide new insights that differ from previously established results, which predict that CBI is not sensitive to political variables. Overall, this paper reaffirms the interplay between politics (proxied by democratic practices) and economy (proxied by CBI) in the early stages of development which varies across different levels of development.]]>
<![CDATA[Advocacy Coalitions in Baduy Tourism Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Elvita, Amara]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 12 No 1 (2024): PCD Journal Vol. 12 No. 1 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v12i1.13804
<![CDATA[The political participation of the Baduy indigenous community in sustainable tourism policy has led to the emergence of two advocacy coalitions with differing views: one supports tourism for its economic potential, while the other opposes it to protect local values and the environment. This division reflects the community's involvement in policy-making. The pro-tourism group believes proper regulation can yield economic benefits without harming the culture or the environment. Conversely, the anti-tourism group prioritises cultural preservation and environmental conservation. The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) helps understand these interactions. Although pro-tourism advocacy dominates policy decisions, initiatives like tourist restrictions from the Baduy Customary Organisation are also recognised and implemented, indicating that political participation can result in more balanced policies. The opposing coalitions also highlight the dynamics of political participation in shaping sustainable tourism policies in an area where an indigenous community lives.]]>
<![CDATA[Beyond Factory Walls ]]>
<![CDATA[Rubiansyah, Faris]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 12 No 1 (2024): PCD Journal Vol. 12 No. 1 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v12i1.16613
<![CDATA[This study explores the practice of Community Unionism (CU) as a response to the challenges that member of labor union faced in the area of Mega Regency Housing complex in Bekasi Regency, Indonesia. CU emerges as an alternative strategy that expands the role of union member from mere workers in the workplace to be part of the wider community. CU views workers are not only as economic entities, but also social ones, which in return can strengthen social solidarity among union member and political bargaining power. This research uses qualitative methods, including literature review, in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis, to answer a question and analyze how CUs operate in one of housing complexes populated by union members in the region. The results show that CUs are able to improve the bargaining position of workers while providing significant benefits to local communities. This study contributes to the Indonesian labor literature by filling the knowledge gap regarding CUs in Indonesia, as well as offering insight into the potential of CUs in strengthening the labor movement and promoting social justice at the community level. The research emphasizes the importance of community-based approaches in contemporary labor movement strategies to achieve broader social transformation.]]>
<![CDATA[Contestation and Representation Claims ]]>
<![CDATA[Maharani, Fidiara]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 12 No 1 (2024): PCD Journal Vol. 12 No. 1 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v12i1.16776
<![CDATA[Theory of "the representative claim" opens up the political space of representation beyond the formal realm, and contestation over representation can take place both in the electoral and non-electoral arena. This contestation takes the form of narrative claims to justify and legitimize the representation carried out on the claimed constituents. This research analyzes the contestation between the NGOs who facilitate the Anak Dalam Tribe Indigenous Community (Suku Anak Dalam, or SAD) as a non-electoral representation actor in the alleged conflict between the SAD Indigenous Community and one of the palm oil companies in Jambi Province. Using a qualitative approach to obtain depth of data and analysis, this research shows that in the contestation of claims between companion groups, at least three claims are produced, namely representation claims, misrepresentation claims, and representation claims of interests or values. Contesting claims center on differences in views regarding the best way to improve the welfare of the SAD Indigenous Peoples. This claim itself produces various responses of acceptance and rejection by the constituents – the SAD Community – which the companion group claims to be the group they represent.]]>
