Indonesian Journal of Political Studies
Indonesian Journal of Political Studies is a journal of Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, State Islamic University (UIN) Sunan Ampel Surabaya which publishes scholarly work on the theory and practice of political science. The journal is devoted to publishing original research based on empirical data and having innovative theoretical arguments. The journal is committed to encouraging a pluralistic approach and a comparative lens in political studies.
Articles
47 Documents
<![CDATA[Restrictions on Congregational Prayers and Negotiations on Religious Freedom during Pandemic in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Dja'far, Alamsyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.1.36-53
<![CDATA[This article discusses the policy of restricting religious rights or beliefs during the pandemic time in Indonesia. Most studies presume that restriction policy is in line with the principles and rights of religious freedom. These studies have not much directed towards answering how the restriction on the worship right, such as congregational prayers, able to accommodate and negotiate various rejections and neglects by some Islamic communities. This paper comes with the idea that policies to restrict congregational prayers should not be uniform but provide several alternative approaches. This approach needs support from central and local authorities negotiating abilities. The main research data came from the policy documents of the central government and provincial government. Secondary data came from media coverage and relevant literature. This study found that restrictions in the early days of the pandemic applied uniformly in the form of the absence of congregational prayers during the lockdown period. The policy does not provide alternatives such as still allowing it by establishing health protocols.]]>
<![CDATA[Elected Without Buying Vote: Woman Candidate, Canvassing, and Programmatic Campaign in the 2019 Local Legislative Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Rohman, Noor]]>;
<![CDATA[Holilah, Holilah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.1.73-87
<![CDATA[Although extensive studies have been carried out on women candidates in the Indonesia election, no specific attention discusses elected women candidates without relying on vote-buying. This paper seeks to explain how and to what extend the winning strategy of a woman candidate elected with limited financial resources. We argue that door to door canvassing and programmatic campaign through social media are a crucial alternative strategy for a woman candidate to mobilize voters. The argument builds based on the case study of an elected woman candidate from the Indonesian Solidarity Party at district 10 of the Jakarta provincial parliament. This article shows that a woman candidate prioritized personal communication with voters directly and policy program campaign as a central winning strategy. There is a more optimistic story about an elected woman candidate in the local legislative election when compared to previous studies. Our findings confirm that a woman candidate could secure the parliament seat without relying on vote-buying, political dynasty, and male power.]]>
<![CDATA[Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity, Pursuing Gender Equity: Case Study of Male Muslim Leaders of Islamic Boarding Schools ]]>
<![CDATA[Hayat, Edi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.1.54-72
<![CDATA[This article is about men’s role in promoting gender equity with case study of male Muslim leaders of Islamic boarding schools who involved in the mainstreaming of gender equity. Few of them, who have engaged in, have been playing an effective role in gender mainstreaming. They can challenge the root causes of gender inequity without being seen to disrupt the socio-cultural and religious setup. They understand the gender-biased cultural practices necessitate to be changed and have the capacity to intervene in those aspects of social construction considered inimical to gender equity. Besides, they have empowered personally because they have made gender equity as their strategic choice to be pursued. Although they have previously denied choosing the issue, they have gradually received it fully in their preoccupation. Their empowerment has consisted of three dimensions, tangible and intangible resources, agencies, and the power of achievement. Their effectiveness has additionally depended on their vantage point as leaders, to tackle the root causes rather than the symptoms of gender inequity. In this paper, I look in detail at their work and explore the lessons that can be taken and replicated elsewhere in the Islamic world for greater gender equity.]]>
<![CDATA[The Political Economy of Public Procurement Reform and Democratic Decentralisation in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Mustafa, Mochamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.1.1-21
<![CDATA[Procurement has been one of the most important areas of reform at both national and local levels since the fall of the New Order. This article provides an overview of procurement reform in Indonesia. This paper explains that following the implementation of democratic decentralization in 1999, the Indonesian government has embarked on efforts to ensure that Indonesian procurement procedures comply with international standards, particularly with regards to good governance and the competitiveness of public procurement. However, there is no substantial evidence that the implementation of procurement reform has resulted in more democratic procurement practices. Rather, the process of democratic decentralization has provided a political environment whereby the public procurement budget has become vulnerable to capture by predatory elites for their private interests, a process involving local politicians, local leaders, bureaucrats and business actors.]]>
<![CDATA[Elite Predatory Practices in the Budgeting Process of Local Development in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahsun, Muhammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 1 (2021): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.1.22-35
<![CDATA[This article analyses the pattern of relationships between local businessmen-politicians in parliament and the executive elite in budgeting for local infrastructure development. By using the theory of patronage, cronyism, and predatory state as a framework analysis, this paper provides a theoretical contribution that sees the three theories are complementary to each other. The predatory practices in Indonesia often work in the context of political patronage and cronyism. In this study, the businessmen-politicians in parliament and executive elites of local government placed as local-state actors relate to each other in the informal networks for the practices of a predatory state. My findings showed that the domination of the businessmen-politicians in local parliament has created a networks of patronage politics and cronyism with the executive elite. This is evidenced by some of the findings. First, the businessmen-politicians and the executive elites collaborated to hijack the budgeting process. Second, there has been a monopoly of tenders of local infrastructure development projects by the businessman-politicians in the local parliament. Third, the services were exchanged between the businessmen-politicians with the executive elite who are in a relationship of patronage and cronyism are public goods.]]>
<![CDATA[Rezim Standar Industri Pariwisata dan Paradoks Pembangunan Desa Wisata di Indonesia: Pengalaman Desa Mangunan ]]>
<![CDATA[Gama Abisono Nasution, Fatih]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2021): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.2.153-171
<![CDATA[The structural perspective explains well the paradox of development through the phenomenon of democratization in the trap of electoralism that does not change the inequality of power relations. This article moves in a different sense by offering the concept of governmentality in exploring the paradox of development. However, this study does not reject the argument that the paradoxical failure of development stems from the development mode that results in the depoliticization of development. The author deepens this argument by examining microscopically the types of power that work. More specifically, this study discusses the question of how the existing regime of knowledge about development produces paradoxical symptoms. Departing from the case of Mangunan Village, Bantul Regency, the findings in this study indicate that tourism development which was built in the name of a program to improve the welfare of the citizens in fact only serves the growth of the tourism industry. This can be seen from the knowledge regime that underlies the existence of the programs being carried out, namely encouraging the growth of the tourism industry that meets tourism business standards. This kind of knowledge regime is only possible for business actors who have access and resources to meet various tourism industry standards. Meanwhile, residents with limited resource capacity cannot meet various standards. In short, this kind of knowledge regime actually contributes to widening the gap in economic inequality between citizens.]]>
<![CDATA[From Classical to Virtual: Analysis of the Value and Impact of Education Policy Responding to the Covid-19 Pandemic ]]>
<![CDATA[Suyuthi, Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 2 No. 1 (2022): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2022.2.1.11-30
<![CDATA[The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted various aspects of life. During the coronavirus outbreak, the two most affected essential sectors were the economic and education sectors. This article aims to analyze education policy in Indonesia in response to the global pandemic. This research managed to find that education policy becomes public policy because it is realized to the public directly. In the formulation stage of education policy, the government, in this case, the Ministry of Education, collaborates with multi-stakeholders to ensure the community's fundamental right to obtain an education. However, it was found that education policy does not maximally see the disparity of society, so the community faces various obstacles because the policy is not balanced with the preparation of adequate digital infrastructure. So many people do not enjoy government subsidies. In addition, it can be concluded that national education policy uses an interactive-participatory model that shows collaboration with interested agencies to realize policies in the public domain in education implementation jointly.]]>
<![CDATA[Mekanisme Penyaluran Program Bantuan Kartu Keluarga Sejahtera Berbasis Cashless di Kelurahan Lewoleba ]]>
<![CDATA[Holifah, Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2022): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2022.2.2.74-97
<![CDATA[Indonesia dikenal sebagai negara berkembang, salah satu ciri negara berkembang yaitu dilihat dari mekanisme pembangunan ekonomi. Pembangunan ekonomi di Indonesia saat ini dihadapkan pada kasus angka kemiskinan yang semakin tinggi. Pemerintah mengeluarkan berbagai macam kebijakan/program untuk mengurangi angka kemiskinan yang ada di Indonesia. Salah satunya yaitu dengan adanya Instruksi Presiden Republik Indonesia Tahun 2014 Tentang Pelaksanaan Program Simpan Keluarga Sejahtera, Program Indonesia Pintar, dan Program Indonesia Sehat Untuk Membangun Keluarga yang Produktif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana mekanisme penyaluran program bantuan KKS berbasis cashless di Kelurahan Lewoleba, Kabupaten Lembata, Nusa Tenggara Timur. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori kebijakan publik. Jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif kualitatif. Teknik pengambilan data yaitu wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Pengambilan sampel Teknik purposive sampling. Analisis data yang digunakan adalah collection, reduction, display, and verification. Hasil dari penelitian ini yaitu mekanisme penyaluran bantuan program KKS berbasis cashless pada masyarakat di Kelurahan Lewoleba, Kabupaten Lembata, Nusa Tenggara timur telah berjalan sesuai dengan prosedur yang ditetapkan oleh Tim Pengendali Pelaksanaan Penyaluran Bantuan Sosial secara Non Tunai dan terkondisikan dengan baik oleh Pemerintah Desa dan seluruh element yang terlibat dari tahapan sosialisasi sampai dengan proses pembagian bantuan yang terlibat secara transparan. Program KKS ini sangat membantu masyarakat miskin di Kelurahan lewoleba dalam memenuhi kebutuhan hidup sehari-hari, guna meningkatkan kualitas gizi utama masyarakat setempat.]]>
<![CDATA[Policy Learning dalam Formulasi Kebijakan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan Daerah: Insight dari Gunungkidul ]]>
<![CDATA[Irawan, Fajar Sodiq]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2021): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.2.128-152
<![CDATA[Studies on policy learning in the formulation of public policies have received less attention in the era of decentralization. This article aims to discuss policy learning in the formulation of local poverty reduction policies. By taking a case study in Gunungkidul Regency, this study shows that the learning carried out is conceptual learning which changes the perspective on local poverty reduction, from problem-based to asset-based. The form of policy learning that occurs is by selective imitation, which is taking certain elements to be included in the policy and not taking it in detail to avoids political risks. This policy learning model has implications for the implementation of policies that do not explicitly create new activities, but complement existing activity programs. The policy learning process at first glance appears as an administrative process, but in essence it is very political because it involves various actors with various interests. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Political Dynamics on Development Process of Human Rights Cities: Lessons from South Korea and Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Mulia, Zico]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Political Studies Vol. 1 No. 2 (2021): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ijps.2021.1.2.88-106
<![CDATA[There has not been a comparative study on the human rights cities in South Korea and Indonesia. Therefore, this paper conduct a comparative study of the dynamics within the development process of the human rights city in Gwangju and Wonosobo. This study explains how both cities flourished into Human Rights Cities using agenda-building theory. Moreover, this research elucidates the main actors and their respective roles in the development of both Human Rights Cities. Employing qualitative methods of data collection and analysis, this study found similarities and differences between the development processes of both Human Rights Cities. This article found that civil society organizations’ efforts were influential in the initiation stage in Gwangju. Meanwhile, in the case of Wonosobo, the concept of brandishing itself as a Human Rights City came from the Mayor. As a result, the top-down agenda-building process in Wonosobo took place faster than the development of the bottom-up human rights city of Gwangju.]]>
