Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
The journal focus and scope of Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. Smart Government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies”
Articles
288 Documents
<![CDATA[Women Workers Resistance Against Elite Class Hegemony in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Bevaola Kusumasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Suyulatudz Dzihan Bika Syekti Umar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.27-55
<![CDATA[This study describes the women carrier labor resistance movement in Yogyakarta towards the dominance and hegemony done by other classes in the social structure of the market environment. This study uses a qualitative method with phenomenological approach and data analysis refering to the concept of qualitative data analysis. The results showed that the social structure in a market environment puts the women in the lowest social class and becoming the most effective tool in pursuing the domination and hegemony of the dominant actors. As a result, the market does not provide space for women workers to participate in the production process. They can not play a role in the social change because their position can only be regarded as a second class causing the increasingly unequel gap between the social classes. These conditions can then encourage the emergence of the women carrier labor activists to reduce disparities through alternative media.]]>
<![CDATA[Threats to the Ideology of Pancasila IntheReformEra: Praxis Case of Regional Development Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Budi Gunawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Barito Mulyo Ratmono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.56-82
<![CDATA[This study about the ideology of Pancasila in the praxis of development policy at Local Government (Pemda), and also identifies the potential threat to the existence of Pancasila ideology in the reform era. Through a selection of field study research methods combined with Focus Group Discussion (FGD), we want to know and analyse critically how big ideology operates in development policy praxis. This study identifies the symptoms of two potential threats to Pancasila ideology in the Kulonprogo region. First comes from the stronghold of global capitalism through agents that continue to expand the market, systematically proceeds strategically with the policies of the regional government. Both come from the stronghold of the global religious movement that carries the ideology of Islamic universalism against diversity, thus threatening the ideology of Pancasila, especially the precepts of Indonesian Unity. In the meantime to face the threat of religious radicalism, intelligence strategies can use multiple options. Starting from the conventional approach of exploiting internal conflicts within the radical organisation, cultural strategy by facilitating the occurrence of strategic alliances between traditional- cultural-cultural forces with the power of locality culture face the attacks of radical Islamic political movements based on anti-Pancasila.]]>
<![CDATA[Power Contestation on Marriage Age Discourse in dealing with Islamic Values: A Case Study on Nahdlatul Ulama ]]>
<![CDATA[Dian Eka Rahmawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhadjir Darwin]]>;
<![CDATA[Munawar Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.83-112
<![CDATA[This study aims to understand the debate on the issue of early prevention from the perspective of NU and NU women activist group. Why there is a difference between NU structures and NU women activist groups. What the knowledge regime that underlies the legitimacy of their attitude is. What are the interests behind differences in attitudes and knowledge regimes used. This study uses a qualitative method. The data was collected by interviewing the board of Muslimat NU, PP Fatayat NU, and PP Rahima and collecting documentation from books, journals, magazines, printed and online newspapers, official website, and mass media decisions. Data analysis techniques performed with data reduction, data display, and conclusion. The result shows that differences in attitudes about the issue of early marriage between NU structures and NU women activist groups stem from different perspectives and interests. Differences perspectives can be seen from differences in interpretation "baligh" as the basis for setting marriage age limit. The interest of the NU structures to accomodate early marriage practices are still prevalent among NU and maintain the status quo of the NU gender habitus. The interest of NU women activist groups is to contextually interpret fikih and to fight for the ideology of theological feminism prosecuting patriarchy within the NU gender habitus. NU Women’s activist groups can reproduce reason about gender relation in Islam that derived from the accumulation of social capital and cultural capital. Although it cannot change the NU's patriarchal gender habitus, the reproduction of reason by NU women activist groups is able to present itself as an alternative gender discourse within NU.]]>
<![CDATA[The Reproductive Health of the Philippines: Perceptions in the South ]]>
<![CDATA[Sittie Akima A. Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.113-137
<![CDATA[This is a descriptive and correlational study that focuses on determining the level of awareness and attitudes of the respondents toward the reproductive health program of the Philippines. It tried to test the hypotheses whether there is significant relationship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile such as age, gender, education, annual income, work type, and number of children and their level of awareness and attitude towards the reproductive health program. The study found that majority of the respondents are aware and have positive attitude toward the RH Law which can be partly attributed to their place of employment which is an academic institution and where the reproductive health issue is expected to be subjected to thorough discussions. It is concluded that the respondents have favourable and positive reactions on the RH Law, hence it is necessary for the government to pursue it with due respect to religion and cultural beliefs of the Filipinos especially among the Catholics. It is recommended that awareness drives and information dissemination on the positive effects of the RH Bill should be continued, not only in schools but also in communities where most poor families live.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Communication Model in Indonesian Parliament ]]>
<![CDATA[Lely Arrianie]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0139.140-159
<![CDATA[The main objective of this study was to determine the model of political communication in the Indonesian parliament. The phenomenon of political communication using 'violence', occurred in Indonesian parliament period 1999-2004. This research was conducted with qualitative analysis, by developing interactionist theory, constructive, symbolic interaction in the political sphere. The results found that political communication in Indonesian parliament cannot be conceived as direct communication because the communication is interactional and transactional. Therefore, every political message is ultimately between interests and disagreements. It can build a conceptual model in which ‘violence’ in the delivery of political messages physically or psychologically occurs on the ‘front stage', 'middle stage’ and ‘backstage’.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Polarization based on Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Husain Ubaid]]>;
<![CDATA[H.B Habibi Subandi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0054.411-441
<![CDATA[According to a research conducted by Anis Baswedan, Saiful Mujani and R. Will- iam Liddle, political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation had a mod- erate and pluralistic character. But this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among vot- ers in the elections. In this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election provide strong evidence that sup- ports the idea of ideological polarization. We apply the root cause model presented by Veldhuis and Staun to understand how Islamic radicalization occurs in the Jakarta election. In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. We found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. Political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. It has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. Hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that Indonesian democracy is pro- gressing towards illiberal democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[Coordination in ProtectedForest Management inIndonesia: An Application of Soft Systems Methodology ]]>
<![CDATA[Darmanto Darmanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0055.442-466
<![CDATA[Coordination is a very complex problem that has occurred in the management of protected forest in Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to elucidate how the Soft Systems Methodology (SSM) is used as a basis for rearranging coordination in the management of protected forest. SSM demonstrates various aspects of coordination to be addressed and concrete steps that decision makers in the management of protected forest should make. Using the case example of protected forest management in Wonosobo Regency, Central Java, Indonesia, this study suggests that there are 9 steps to be considered in coordinating the management of protected forest. The findings of this study are relevant to decision makers in which the stages in SSM can assist decision makers to address problems in the coordination of protected forest management.]]>
<![CDATA[The Practices of Political Patronage and Clientelism of the Democrat Party in the 2014 Legislative Election in Ponorogo Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Haidar Fikri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0056.467-492
<![CDATA[The Democrat Party in Ponorogo Regency still exists despite cases of corruption that ensnared some national political actors. The Ponorogo Regency attracted the attention of many parties and candidates, including that of the Democratic Party, during the legislative elections in 2014. This concern included candidate efforts to transform the party through the provision of patronage material in diverse forms such as a unique distribution process, and a variety of patronage models. This research was conducted to determine the practice of patronage politics of the Democrat Party in the Ponorogo Regency in 2014. The theory used for this research on the practice of patronage is the theory of patronage and clientelism according to the variables offered by James Scott. The qualitative research methods are data collection interviews, and documentation and re- ports related to the elections in Ponorogo. The results of this study suggest that the practice of patronage in Ponorogo conducted by the Democrat’s candidate is very diverse, ranging from the use of money given to voters, the provision of public goods targeting social groups such as farmers and youth organizations on the assumption that they were impressionable on an emotional level, and giving pork barrels in the form of road construction and irrigation disbursed through the BKAD (Inter-agency Cooperation Board). Patronage is certainly dis- tributed through clientelism networks such as successful teams that have been prepared since before the election, a network of social groups that utilize a warok, considered a person who has a wise and exalted nature and takes advantage of the village elite. This is a political machine that runs a network to help distribute patronage so that it becomes clientelistic. The interest of this study is the associa- tion between patronage and clientelism that is fused with the local culture of the Ponorogo community and was mobilized in the legislative election in 2014.]]>
<![CDATA[Exploratory Study on the Relationship between Good Public Governance and National Competitiveness ]]>
<![CDATA[Sofik Handoyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.493-513
<![CDATA[This study aims to examine empirically the relationship between good public governance and national competitiveness. The motivation behind the study was the desire to answer a cosmic question regarding the association between the implementation of good public governance and the capability of a country to compete in the global market. An exploratory research design was applied in this study. Public governance and national competitiveness were treated as two in- dependent variables. Public governance was broken down into attributes, namely public accountability, government effectiveness, the quality of government regulation, government control toward corruption, the rule of law and a country’s political stability. The World Governance Index (WGI) was used to measure public governance. Meanwhile, the Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) was adopted to measure national competitiveness. Bivariate correlation analysis was applied in this study and involved 140 countries that are officially listed as World Bank members. The findings concluded that public governance had a positive association with national competitiveness. All attributes of public governance showed a positive and significant correlation with national competitiveness. Statistical analysis using Pearson correlation indicated that all public governance attributes indicated a solid correlation (r > 0.6, p< 0.01) except for political stability (r = 0.585, p< 0.01) and public accountability (r= 0.541, p< 0.01). Although the results revealed that not all public governance attributes had a strong correlation with national competitiveness, the nature of the correlation has already been justified. The results imply that if the government implements good public governance practice, it might have a positive impact on the capability of the nation to create power to compete with other countries in the global market.]]>
<![CDATA[Women Leadership: A Comparative Study Between Indonesia and Greece ]]>
<![CDATA[Lydia Kanelli Kyvello Kokkaliali]]>;
<![CDATA[Ismi Dwi Astuti Nurhaeni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.514-535
<![CDATA[One manifestation of women’s leadership is their representation in politics. Although regulation for their participation is implemented, representation in elected office is lower than anticipated. This article discusses women’s representation as leaders in strategic positions, the challenges of affirmative action regulation and the cultural barriers they face in Indonesia and Greece. The study was conducted in Indonesia and Greece, with documentation method as data collection technique such as: affirmative action regulation on women’s participation in strategic positions and official statistics of women in office. Mix methods employed for data analysis. The findings show three results. Firstly, there are differences in the representation of women as leaders both in numbers and strategic positions held between the two countries. The number of women representatives in parliament in Indonesia is lower than that of Greece, with 17 % and 20% respectively. However, the most important position obtained by a woman in Indonesia is state leader, whilst in Greece is merely minister. Secondly, both countries have implemented legislation for affirmative action regulating the percentage of women candidates. The challenge is how to ensure a raise of women representation as leaders in strategic positions. Finally, women still face cultural barriers such as stereotyping, marginalization and sub-ordination. Civic education providing skills and gender sensitivity concerning leadership for men and women can outdo the barriers. Concluding, differences of women’s leadership in Indonesia and Greece are seen in their number, position, regulation and cultural barriers. This study recommends both countries to conduct regulation concerning women’s representation, not candidacy.]]>
