Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
The journal focus and scope of Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. Smart Government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies”
Articles
288 Documents
<![CDATA[Millennial Generation Conception about Islamophobic, De- radicalization and Communication Process Based on Multicultural Education: A Phenomenography Study ]]>
<![CDATA[Gatut Priyowidodo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 3 (2019): November 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.103106
<![CDATA[Islamphobic is a mind-set of fear about everything about Islam. The countenance of Islam as 'rahmatan lil alamin' (bringing peace to all people), is affected by acts of violence and terror that are often displayed by a group of radical Muslims. The purpose of this research is to find out how the description of the understanding of Islamophobic among Christians, especially the millennial generation in Indonesia. It is related to the countenance of violence that is often done by some Muslims who in fact do not reflect the overall attitude of Islamic Teachings in Indonesia. Through phenomenography study the data was collected from all interviewees, related to certain conceptions or conceptions expressed by each individual. The characteristics of the informants are those who are a generation of Christian millennial who have easy access to information. The findings of this study propose that Islamphobic is conceptualized as a form of fear. It is because of the countenance of Islam which is portrayed as full of violence, radical acts, discriminatory, hatred and raises fear among non-Islamic Followers. The attempt to de-radicalize was conceived successfully by the government because it was considered the right way to reduce feelings of fear and anxiety among non-Muslims. In addition, through the process of communication and multicultural education, it is expected to bridging the meeting of different views and is very relevant for diversity in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Recruitment of Female Candidates in Meeting the Quota Policy in the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) of DIY Province in 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Titin Purwaningsih]]>;
<![CDATA[Rubiyati Rubiyati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 3 (2019): November 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.103108
<![CDATA[Political recruitment in the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) has fulfilled a 30% quota of female candidates, but they seldom to be elected as legislative members. Political recruitment in meeting the 30% quota of female is inseparable from supply and demand sides. By using qualitative research methods, political recruitment process is analyzed of supply and demand sides, with data collection techniques by documentation and in-depth interview. The research finding showed that there were shortcomings in the supply side of the recruitment of female candidates, namely the low political experience and motivation of women to get power. This is related to the demand side, where there are still few women who have strategic positions in the party management. This cause of policy making in the party office less supportive of women to be elected.]]>
<![CDATA[Challenges of Democratization In The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ]]>
<![CDATA[Gedifew Sewenet Yigzaw]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.10299
<![CDATA[The main purpose of this study is to assess the main challenges of democratization in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In order to enrich the basic information and achieve the intended specific objectives, the study relied upon secondary data sources. Democracy matters for human security in DRC because well-designed and inclusive political institutions and processes are the key to both preventing violence and managing conflict constructively. It is believed that acting for democracy is acting for peace and security. The DRC, which lies in the heart of Africa, is one of the largest and richest mineral resources countries of the continent and has strategic importance for the stability of the Great Lakes region. This study shows that challenges related to a long period of dictatorship, internal conflicts, communal violence, corruption, weak monitoring of weapons, poor leadership, and globalization have affected the democratization processes and indicators of good governance in the DRC. This study recommends that the government of DRC should consolidate democratization and enhance good governance so as to reduce the crises of democracy in the country and thereby collaborative governance with all the local, national, regional and international stakeholders should be established to avoid the long-suffering of the Congolese people.]]>
<![CDATA[Capitalization of Hatred and Mass Mobilization: 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election Case ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohammad Fahrizal]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.102100
<![CDATA[This paper aims to describe in detail how the capitalization of hatred can effectively be used as a political commodity, especially in terms of mass mobilization to intervene in government policies. By utilizing a theoretical approach of Cherian George, the author tries to analyze the campaign process and the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, which involves a lot of practices of capitalization of hatred - especially by using religious narratives - so that it successfully raises negative views of certain social groups. This study proves that hatred capitalization has profoundly used to mobilize mass and suppress opposing group voters so that certain candidates can achieve a political gain in the election.]]>
<![CDATA[Assessment of Fiscal Decentralization in Ethiopia: The Case Study of Selected Basic Sectors of Sibu Sire Woreda, East Wollega Zone, Oromia Regional State ]]>
<![CDATA[Minhaj Alam]]>;
<![CDATA[Debela Begna Gerbaba]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.102101
<![CDATA[This research was conducted on fiscal decentralization in Ethiopia with the case of basic sectors of Sibu Sire Woreda, East Wollega Zone, Oromia Regional State. To attain the objective, researchers relied on primary data followed by secondary sources. To obtain primary data, mixed approach with descriptive design was considered. Probability and non-probability samplings were employed to get the sample of size of 96 whereas non-probability sampling technique was used to select 18 key informants’ interviewees (KIIs) and 7 participants for focus group discussion (FGD). The findings of this research revealed that the principle of fiscal decentralization that is autonomy of sectors is not found in practice. The selected sectors were highly dependent on the allocated regional grant and have very little capacity (null in some sectors) to generate internal revenue. The expenditure responsibilities of the five selected sectors in the Woreda were limited to recurrent expenditures except road sector and to some extent water sector. Data proved the existence of both vertical and horizontal imbalances in terms of revenue generation capacity and percentage of budget share of each sector that ultimately hinder the fiscal autonomy of the sectors in particular and that of the Woreda and local government in general.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Strategy in Local Elections: Study of Bandung Municipality Mayor in the 2003 and 2008 Elections ]]>
<![CDATA[Muslim Mufti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.102102
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the political strategies of candidates in the 2008 Bandung Mayoral Election. The research location is in Bandung Municipality, West Java Province. The research uses qualitative methods. The results of the study show that the candidates used political strategies to win the election. Those who acted as patrons won in the indirect election elected by the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) of Bandung in 2003. Dada Rosada was a very influential figure in bureaucrat and government even though his party ranked third in the election. Politicians used political network strategy to convince the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) and the Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) which were in first and second positions. The post-reform political strategy was different from the pre-reform, which was determined by the center. Hence, the role of politicians was decisive in the 2003 Bandung Mayoral Election which elected by the Regional House of Representatives. In the 2008 Bandung Mayoral Election, Dada Rosada used political network strategies to convince political elites and social network strategies to gain support and sympathy from the Bandung residents because it was directly elected by them.]]>
<![CDATA[Collaborative Governance in Gender Mainstreaming Policy in Yogyakarta City ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ammar Hidayahtulloh]]>;
<![CDATA[Amalia Nurul Hutami]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.102103
<![CDATA[Gender mainstreaming becomes the global strategy used in realizing gender equality as one of the sustainable development goals that are envisioned to be accomplished by 2030. Indonesia as a part of the international community is fully committed to adopting gender mainstreaming in the national development plan for the last two decades. Through the Presidential Decree No. 9 of 2000, the local government is mandated to mainstreaming gender in the development program. Yogyakarta city has progressively implemented gender mainstreaming policy in development indicated by its high percentage of Gender Development Index (GDI) of 98.26% in 2017. As a matter of fact, Yogyakarta was also awarded the Anugerah Parahita Ekapraya (APE) by the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (MoWECP) for its commitment towards gender equality and women empowerment. This research is an exemplary study to analyze the collaborative governance in the gender mainstreaming strategy in Yogyakarta city. The method used in this research is a qualitative method using primary data by conducting an interview and secondary data such as books, articles, official documents, and journals. The authors use the collaborative governance concept by Ansell and Gash, as well as the twin-track gender mainstreaming model by Moser as the theoretical frameworks. The authors signify that the Government of Yogyakarta city has carried out a collaboration with the other stakeholders such as civil societies and private sectors in the gender mainstreaming strategy in Yogyakarta in a limited manner.]]>
<![CDATA[Media Framing vs Framing by Politician (A Study About the Mutual Influences Between Media Frames and Frames by Politicians During the Political Campaign A Head of Jakarta Governor Election) ]]>
<![CDATA[Isep Parid Yahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2019): February 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.10194
<![CDATA[There are substantial amount of academic research regarding to how media do the framing on certain issue. However, empirical research on the framing interactions is still difficult to find. This study endeavors to fill the void by questioning the mutual influences between media framing and framing by politicians on a specific issue during the political campaign ahead of 2017 Jakarta Governor Election. Both quantitative and qualitative content analysis methods were employed in this research. First of all, textual data from the media and politicians were coded using Atlas.ti coding software in order to know the usage of five framing types: conflict, morality, economic consequences, responsibility and human interest. After that, the mutual influence was investigated by looking at their most dominant frames, their comparative trends in terms of framing quantity, and their textual interactions. This research then reveals a weak mutual influence between media framing and framing by politicians. It is indicated from their differences in using dominant frames. Conflict consistently dominated media framing, while economic consequences were generally dominant within politician’s framing. Besides, media and politicians produced different quantity of framing and presented different trends. Media and politicians also presented an insignificant textual interactions by sharing small number of similar keywords and mutual quotations.]]>
<![CDATA[Coalition Politics in Contemporary India: Development and Dimensions ]]>
<![CDATA[Rajkumar Singh]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2019): February 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.10195
<![CDATA[On 11 April 2019 to 19 May 2019, seven phases of a general election will be conducted in India to select the State's 17th Lok Sabha. Before the general election, the law prohibits passing judgments to avoid inducement to voters. This provision, however, dissents from the mandate during the 1977 general election that showed that cultural homogeneity is not a reward for political stability and integration. Democratic stability is enhanced through group cross-cutting and politically relevant affiliations. This involves 1. application of power, in the sense of joint use of resources to determine outcomes'; 2. a ‘mixed motive situation' means the existence of both conflict and cooperation; and 3. collective activity, which involves the interaction of more than two units. In the Indian context, it can be argued that coalition politics has come to settle at the Indian federal level and that it cannot be viewed as a sudden and unexpected development. On a deeper analysis, it is reflective of a societal metamorphosis where in day by day a larger number of hitherto latent groups of Indian society are getting mobilized and politicized day by day. In this new coalition phase, what is under challenge are the status-quo and the unequal and unjust division of rewards and benefits. In today's society, especially having multi-layered caste and religion background, it is entirely possible to have a fractured mandate in which government is formed on "Common Minimum Programme.” Evaluation of coalition politics in India will help many same countries to set coalitional patterns in the present and the future.]]>
<![CDATA[‘Spectator’ or Player’? Labor Movements in Post New-Order Indonesian Electoral Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[Tunjung Sulaksono]]>;
<![CDATA[Kuskridho Ambardi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2019): February 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.18196/jgp.10196
<![CDATA[This study proves that the change in the structure of political opportunities alone is not enough to provide encouragement for social movements to succeed in electoral politics. The case of the labor movements in electoral politics in post-New Order Indonesia is proof of this. Even though it has a very large number of potential to become a large force of electoral politics and ability to mobilize masses, the labor movements in Indonesia is merely a spectator, not a player in electoral politics. There are four factors that cause this failure. The first is fragmentation among labor movements which were created as a result of the opening of political opportunities after the New Order. Second, labor apathy towards labor parties and labor cadres who run for elections. As a result, none of the labor parties succeeded in gaining seats in three elections in Indonesia after the New Order. Thirdly, repression and negative stigmatization to the labor movements by the New Order Regime had succeeded in preventing labor movement to consolidate themselves and to gain significant votes in elections. Fourth, increasingly severe requirements for party establishment and participation in elections. While in many places the opening of political opportunity structure is a determining factor in the success of social movements in electoral politics, the case of the labor movement in Indonesia proves otherwise. The opening up of a political opportunity structure has become a trap that hinders the success of labor movements in electoral politics.]]>
