Journal of Integrative International Relations
Journal of Integrative International Relations (JIIR) published by Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, State Islamic University of Sunan Ampel Surabaya in association with The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (INSIERA). The journal published multi-disciplinary, inter-disciplinary, and trans-disciplinary approach articles on various issues in the field of International Relations. Special attention is given to the acedemic articles related to Islamic Integration methodology which synthesis critically between Islamic Studies and International Relations.
Articles
83 Documents
<![CDATA[Uyghur Diaspora in Indonesia: from Nationalism to Terrorism ]]>
<![CDATA[Al Chaidar]]>;
<![CDATA[Herdi Sahrasad]]>;
<![CDATA[Dedy Tabrani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2020): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2020.5.2.68-85
<![CDATA[Uyghurs, especially ethnic Turkestan originating from northwest China in Xinjiang province, have become a real part of jihad terror groups that are globally active. Uyghur jihadists first spread to various parts of the world when the United States and its allies attacked Afghanistan in 2001. While continuing their cooperation with the Taliban under the banner of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Uyghur jihadists have now spread to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. ETIM members are part of the Turkestan Islamic Party fighting with the Al-Qaeda umbrella group in Syria, but other Uyghurs have joined ISIS in Syria and Iraq, and others have joined local terror groups in Indonesia. However, Uyghurs are currently under-examined as active participants in jihadist organizations. Their struggle against the Chinese Government or narrowly describes certain groups where Uyghurs have become participants. This paper explores the scope and scale of activities of foreign Uyghur fighters in various locations, their implications and how their participation in global jihad groups can develop in such a way.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampu Awang Legends and Its Contemporary Perception of Indonesian (Javanese) Muslim Against Chinese ]]>
<![CDATA[Ary Budiyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Latifah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2019.4.1.49-71
<![CDATA[Dampu Awang is a legendary figure who is always mentioned in various legends about Cheng Ho/Zheng He on Java. By looking at these legends in the current context, this article re-reads the figure of a legend who was always attached to this figure of Cheng Ho as a reflection of the stereotypical perception of Javanese people towards the Chinese in relation to Islam and Java (Indonesia). An image that existed long ago until now, namely as a creature full of paradox and ambiguity: from being admired and respected to being hated and reviled. This article was closed with a reflection of the relations between China, Islam and Java during the Post Reformation which represented Cheng Ho as the carrier of peaceful Islam.]]>
<![CDATA[Reading Muslim Tionghoa Culture by Integrating Indigenous Muslim Culture in Indonesian in the Context of Han Kitab ]]>
<![CDATA[Dwi Astuti Wahyu Nurhayati]]>;
<![CDATA[Afifatul Munawiroh]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2019.4.1.73-82
<![CDATA[This paper based on exploratory and library research. There are three research questions in this paper; first, How do you explain the indigenous Muslim culture and Muslim Tionghoa in Indonesia? Second, How to combine Muslim Tionghoa and indigenous Muslim culture in Indonesian? Third, How is the incorporation of Chinese and indigenous Muslim cultures in Indonesian affected in the context of Han Kitab? With phemenology approach, researcher analyzed how incorporation of Muslim Tionghoa and indigenous Muslim cultures in Indonesia affected in the context of Han Kitab. Then, the researcher explains the indigenous Muslim culture and Muslim Tionghoa in Indonesia by content analysis.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategies to Improve Youth Character in Maintaining Relationship between Chinese-Indonesian Culture ]]>
<![CDATA[Faisal Piliang]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 4 No. 2 (2019): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2019.4.2.83-99
<![CDATA[Strengthening character is one of the priority programs of President Joko Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla. In his mind, it was stated that the government would revolutionize the nation's character. This study uses a decision support system that is used to select strategies that can be used to improve the character of young people in maintaining the relationship between Chinese-Indonesian culture. The research approach uses hierarchical analytical processes and multi-criteria decision making using expert choice applications. Both of these approaches are used because both approaches are often used in decision support systems, so it is expected to be used to determine strategies that can be used to improve the character of young people in maintaining relations between Chinese-Indonesian culture.]]>
<![CDATA[Acculturation in Islam: Han Kitab and Islam Nusantara ]]>
<![CDATA[Hirshi Anadza]]>;
<![CDATA[Rommel Utungga Pasopati]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 4 No. 2 (2019): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2019.4.2.101-114
<![CDATA[In China, Han Kitab is an example in how Chinese culture and Islam recognized each other. Ancient Chinese culture is not omitted but enriched by Islam. Confucianism and Islam are different in its each teaching but may crisscross philosophically. Both may come from different backgrounds but both teach people how to behave as individual and part of society. In Indonesia, Islam Nusantara is how Indonesian culture is understood through Islamic perspective. Islam which came later must face many ancient rituals or thoughts. It could not totally eliminate local culture but it can clear up bad aspect of local habits by teaching Islamic way of life. Both Han Kitab and Islam Nusantara shows that Islam did not come to apply such system by force, but it builds such apprehension through acculturation.]]>
<![CDATA[Komparasi Kebijakan Australia terhadap Indonesia Masa Partai Buruh dan Liberal ]]>
<![CDATA[Afif Thufail]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 1 (2020): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2020.5.1.33-45
<![CDATA[Australia and Indonesia are neighboring countries which have different historical, ethnic and community factors that cause frequent upheavals. Even so, Australia and Indonesia, like other neighboring countries, often have good relations that benefit each country. Australia has two parties that are very dominant in the political contestation; The Liberal Party and the Labor Party. This article discusses the question of whether there were sufficient differences when the government in Australia was led by the Liberal Party and the Labor Party which influenced the foreign policy taken by the Australian Government towards Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Arab Nationalism: Past, Present, and Future ]]>
<![CDATA[Hadza Min Fadhli Robby]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 1 (2020): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2020.5.1.1-32
<![CDATA[This article would like to discuss the development of Arab Nationalism throughout history. Arab Nationalism is discussed initially as a part of the resistance against Turkish and Ottoman power. The construction of enmity between Arab and Turkish nations became one of the most important features of Arab Nationalism. However, the enmity against the Turkish nation was not the only factor contributing to Arab Nationalism. The existence of the Arab nationalist movement and the rise of Arab intellectuals gave the momentum for Arab nationalism to obtain a prominent place. As Arab nations declared their independence, there are aspirations that seek Arab nations to be united into one country. One such idea was brought up by Gamal Abdel Nasser, previously the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt. Arab Nationalism experienced its hey-day during these days, but soon after, it loses its charm after the war with Israel. This paper will also discuss the problems and reasons behind the decline of Arab Nationalism.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Konflik Natuna terhadap Kondisi Ekonomi dan Keamanan Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Moh. Fathoni Hakim]]>;
<![CDATA[Alma Puri Adriani]]>;
<![CDATA[Ryan Eko Pramono]]>;
<![CDATA[Annisa Astri Amaliya]]>;
<![CDATA[Thoriqul Rizky Hidayatullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Adiyat Abdullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2020): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2020.5.2.128-139
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk meneliti bagaimana keadaan pasca konflik natuna yang masih menegang antara China dan Indonesia mempengaruhi kondisi perekonomian dan keamanan Indonesia. Penulis menggunakan teori conflict prevention dan peneliti menggunakan metode kuantitatif dimana pengolahan data berupa angka dan grafik untuk menemukan tingkat ekonomi dan keamanan. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk melihat perubahan ekonomi dan keamanan yang dialami Indonesia setelah konflik natuna terjadi, bagaimana penyelesaian masalah dilakukan, dan bagaimana kondisi stabil dapat tetap dipertahankan.Kedua faktor ini menjadi aspek penting karena bersangkutan langsung dengan kestabilan negara. Secara keseluruhan, dapat diketahui nantinya apa saja usaha-usaha Indonesia dalam merespon, mengatasi dan mempertahankan kondisi wilayah Natuna agar tetap stabil baik dalam sektor ekonomi maupun keamanan.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Penguatan Hubungan Qatar-Turki Selama Krisis Teluk 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hani Fatunnisa]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 1 (2020): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2020.5.1.54-67
<![CDATA[The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi K-Pop sebagai Kebijakan Luar Negeri Korea Selatan terhadap Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Aji Adira Fadia Putri Padmo]]>;
<![CDATA[Achbil Khumain Fajrin Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Adityamas Perdana Al-Hafidh]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Aria Senna]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 5 No. 2 (2020): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2023.5.2.102-113
<![CDATA[Korea Selatan menerapkan soft power strategy yaitu diplomasi budaya melalui Korean Wave dalam hubungan diplomatiknya dengan Indonesia. Strategi ini telah memberikan respon positif terhadap hubungan kedua negara karena Korean Wave kini menjadi salah satu budaya yang paling diminati oleh masyarakat Indonesia. Paper ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis kepentingan diplomasi budaya K-Pop terhadap hubungan kerjasama Korea Selatan dan Indonesia. Korean Wave yang merupakan bagian dari diplomasi budaya Korea di Indonesia dan memiliki pengaruh yang besar terhadap hubungan bilateral kedua Negara. Korea Selatan mempunyai peluang yang besar atas ketertarikan masyarakat Indonesia terhadap musik K-Pop karena hal tersebut dapat dijadikan sebagai alat untuk meningkatkan kerjasama yang lebih erat dengan Indonesia, khususnya di bidang ekonomi dan sosial budaya.]]>
