Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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<![CDATA[12. Kerja Sama Indonesia-UNCTAD dalam Implementasi Competition Law and Policy di Indonesia Periode 2004-2007 ]]>
<![CDATA[Priyatno, Dwi]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The monetary crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997 caused by various factors, one of the mainfactor was the practice of concentration of economic power that tend to for a monopolisticmarket. Thus, impacting the fragility of its economic resilience. In order to accelerate theeconomic growth after the monetary crisis, Indonesia had received financial assistancefrom the IMF, with the requirement that Indonesia had to restructure its economic systemas they agreed in the letter of intent. The letter of intent contains a point that Indonesiashall implement the competition law and policy to prevent the concentration of economicpower activities in Indonesia such as monopoly, cartel and bid rigging. In the process of itsimplementation, Indonesia had received assistance by UNCTAD to operate capacitybuilding for stakeholders. This research uses a perspective by neoliberal institutionalist toanalyze capacity building cooperation that conducted by Indonesia and UNCTAD. Thisresearch is descriptive analytic and also used qualitative as its research method. Theconclusion showed that cooperation by Indonesia and UNCTAD are based on rationality,which both sides took the benefit as they desired.]]>
<![CDATA[3. KEGAGALAN DIPLOMASI PEMERINTAH AUSTRALIA DALAM PEMBEBASAN TERPIDANA HUKUMAN MATI KASUS BALI NINE DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Alfeini, Yulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Hermini]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Execution of the death penalty in The Bali Nine Case made The Government of Australiadid some of diplomatic efforts to rescue the two Australian prisoners, namely MyuranSukumaran and Andrew Chan. Those efforts are made through smart diplomacy, the typeof diplomacy that combines soft power diplomacy and hard power diplomacy. Moreover,there were also diplomatic efforts that undertaken by the international organization torescue both of convicted from the death penalty. However, the entire diplomacy was failedafter the decisions to reject the clemency for the two prisoners was issued by ThePresident Jokowi, which in turn made the bilateral relation between Indonesia andAustralia were in conflict. This research aim to analyze the cause of releasing thedecisions to reject the clemency in The Bali Nine case, which is also causing the failure ofAustralian Government’s diplomacy to Indonesia in that case. The framework used in thisresearch is the concept of diplomacy and foreign policy to explain the case of Bali Nine,and also the theory of foreign policy analysis by Snyder to analyze the decisions in therejection of clemency. The type of this research is explanatory, using qualitative dataanalysis techniques from the primary and secondary data accumulation. The result of thisresearch explains that there are four determinant factors that come from the internal andexternal state, which makes the rejection of clemency decision (Indonesia). These fourfactors include: The first factor comes from the perspective of President Jokowi and hisgovernment as the main actor of policymakers for the rejection of clemency. The secondcomes from the public opinion of Indonesian people through the case of Bali Nine. Thethird comes from the relation between Indonesia and Australia in Tony Abbott’s era, whilethe fourth comes from the perception of the countries in Southeast Asia against drugscrime.]]>
<![CDATA[17. Penanganan Korban Perdagangan Wanita di Myanmar: Studi Komparatif Dua Rezim ]]>
<![CDATA[Purbokusumo, Brian Bintang]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Hermini]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramasatya, Satwika]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Handling the trafficking of women in Myanmar is important because women done bytransnational organized crime (transnational crime) can threaten national security in termsof non-military aspects. In the dynamics of the Myanmar politics, there is a transition ofpower in 2010 from military regime to democratic regime. This study discusses thecompararison in the two regimes in handling women trafficking. A comparative study inthe handling of women trafficking victim can not be separated from public policy agendain each government. The two different regimes generate policies and cooperation indealing with women trafficking, both at national and international community, which isimplemented by arranging cooperation with several countries. Outcome from differentpolicies taken by the two regimes in tackling women trafficking can be seen in the numberof women trafficking victims’ fluctuation. This study concludes that there is similaritybetween the two governments in the relation to women trafficking policy, in which the tworegimes establish cooperation. However, this study also finds that democratic system tendto be more effective in handling women trafficking in Myanmar, compared to authoritariansystem in military government.]]>
<![CDATA[8. Alasan Uni Emirat Arab Kembali Membantu Koalisi Anti-Isis dalam Misi Balas Dendam Yordania (2014-2015) ]]>
<![CDATA[Permana, Faiz Abi]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[ISIS is a terrorist organization created by invasion AS to Irak in 2003. Initially name asMajelis Syura Mujahidin and then join to AQI and change its name to ISIS. On 4thSeptember 2016, when NATO held meeting in Wales, AS announce about establishment acoalition to fight ISIS, called anti-ISIS coalition. 66 countries has joined into that coalition,include Uni Arab Emirates. UAE gave massive support to coalition as military andhumanitarian helps. 14th Desember 2016, has occurred an accident Jordanian pilot hasburned by ISIS military. Three days after that accident, UAE decide to stop giving assist tocoalition. But on 5th February 2015, UAE return to help the coalition by sent a squadronjet to Jordania for fight against ISIS. This research purposes to discover why UAE decideto return into coalition on 5th February. To answer that question, researcher usedneorealist paradigm and qualitative method with explanation type. Collective data whoused by researcher through interview and literature review. The result is there are manyfactors which influencing UAE behavior in coalition, that factors comes from intern andextern, because of UAE national interest, and then another factor to get some extradomestic security and regional security in Middle East.]]>
<![CDATA[13. Upaya Indonesia dalam Menangani Pemalsuan Obat melalui Member State Mechanism Tahun 2012-2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Honesty, Annisa Sholiya]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanura, Marten]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The World Health Organization formed an international organization Member StateMechanism which aims to tackle counterfeiting drugs in 2012. Indonesia as one of themember, has always been active in the forum. But in fact, until 2016 Indonesia still fail toaddress drugs counterfeiting. The purpose of this research is to find out why the effortsthat have been made by Indonesia still has not managed to tackle drugs counterfeiting, byusing cualitative method, and explanative tipe of research. The concept of internationalcooperation and the international regime are used to explain the results of the cooperationMember State Mechanism and the role of international regimes WHO in assisting theefforts of Indonesia to address drug counterfeiting.The result from this reseach is there aretwo factors that detain Indonesia in addressing drugs counterfeiting. There is externalfactor that comes from international cooperation and internal factor that comes fromdomestic situation.]]>
<![CDATA[4. PERAN PEMERINTAH THAILAND DALAH MENGATASI PENCARI SUAKA ROHINGYA DI THAILAND ]]>
<![CDATA[Augita, Sella]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research aims to determine the cause of Thai Government's role on handling theissues of Rohingya’s asylum seekers, victims of ethnic conflict in Thailand. These problemsarise as a result of the conflict between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Moslemsin Myanmar 2012, until eventually the Rohingya moslems fled from Myanmar seekingasylum to neighboring countries. English school of thought, concept of compliance andResponsibility to Protect or R2P, is used to explain the basis and forms of Thailandcompliance on the international organizations of the United Nations (UN), as well asThailand's responsibility to protect the Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers. Theresearch method is explanative which used to analyze and explain the various problems ofRohingya asylum seekers such as the existence of smuggling and trafficking of Rohingyaasylum seekers. Results from this research is the Thai government act in accordance withthe provisions of the United Nations and international law on handling Rohingya’s asylumseekers, as a form of allegiance to United Nations and also has the responsibility toprovide human right protection for Rohingya refugees. From these findings, thesuggestions that emerged was the Government of Thailand should ratify the 1951Convention and 1967 Protocol about the international refugee protection, in order forasylum seekers to gain firm and fair access to the procedure for sanctuary.]]>
<![CDATA[18. Yakuza sebagai Kendala Jepang dalam Upaya Memerangi Sex Trafficking ]]>
<![CDATA[Rifqi, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Japan has a very serious problem about Sex Trafficking crime. Sex Trafficking in Japanitself then widened into prostitution and this business is almost entirely controlled by theYakuza, the Japanese mafia. Government of Japan became aware of this problem when thephenomenon of Sex Trafficking emerges. In this research, it is explained that in 2004Japan formulated Action Plan program to address the issue of Sex Trafficking in thecountry. Action Plan program which it purpose is to suppress Human Sexual Trafficking inthe country, formulated efforts made by the Government of Japan are to establish aconnection with another country, tightened "entertainer"visa rules, and enforce the Anti-Prostitution Law. The Japanese government face major obstacles, namely Yakuza as amajor actor in the activities of Sex Trafficking in Japan.]]>
<![CDATA[9. Dilema Hak Asasi Manusia Di Asia Tenggara: Ketiadaan Peran Asean dalam Kasus Perekrutan Tentara Anak di Myanmar dalam Perspektif English School ]]>
<![CDATA[H, Alvian Rizky]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[ASEAN as a regional organization of Southeast Asia is considered absent and did notcontribute in the case of child soldiers’ recruitment in Myanmar. ASEAN, which hashuman rights commission such as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on HumanRights (AICHR) and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of theRights of Women and Children (ACWC), has failed in promoting the protection of humanrights and child rights in the case of child soldiers in Myanmar. The absence of ASEAN iscontradictory to the actions taken by UN, Human Rights Watch (HRW), Child SoldierInternational (CSI) and neighboring countries in preventing and stopping the recruitmentof child soldiers in Myanmar. This research is aimed to analyze the reason behind suchsituation. Based on the view of pluralist international society, the absence of ASEAN inchild soldiers’ case in Myanmar is caused by two main reasons. First, non-interferenceprinciple which is upheld by ASEAN to respect the sovereignty of Myanmar. Second,inability to reach consensus within ASEAN, while consensus itself is decision makingprinciple in ASEAN aimed to avoid any action which may compromise the sovereignty ofother member states. On the other hand, the opposite responses given by UN, NGOs andneighboring country of Myanmar can be viewed by solidarist international society, whichargued that such actions are forms of protection of the values of individual freedom andhuman rights.]]>
<![CDATA[14. Implementasi Rezim Internasional Konvensi Basel Terkait Aliran Ilegal Limbah Elektronik atau Electronic Waste (E-Waste) dari Uni Eropa Ke Cina Tahun 2003-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Retnaningtias, Melani]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Electronic waste illegal flow is an emerging environmental crime due to the developmentof market and technology. This crime mostly caused by strong economic motive andusually take place from developed to developing country. This research focused on theimplementation of Basel Convention as an international environmental regime combatingelectronic waste illegal flow with a case study from the European Union to China in 2003-2015. Basel Convention has been implemented by both parties on August 15, 2002 forChina, and 2003 for the European Union. Although have been ratified and implemented byboth parties, the data shows that electronic waste illegal flows remains occurred. Thisresearch aims to analyze the causative factors of electronic waste illegal flows under BaselConvention. Explanative research is used to explain the correlation between variables toexplicate the causative factors. This research using regime theory with a constructivistapproach as analytical tools. The result indicates that there is a cultural contestation existsas one of the causative factors that explain the aims of Basel Convention can not beachieved. Another result shows that the contribution of epistemic community is not highlysignificant due to another variable that is considered more important, which is economicvariable.]]>
<![CDATA[5. Combating Cyber Racism: Analisis Komparatif terhadap Implementasi Protokol Tambahan Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime tentang Cyber Racism (CETS 189) di Amerika Serikat dan Australia Tahun 2012-2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Charlina, Riani]]>;
<![CDATA[Utama, Tri Cahya]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 3, Nomor 1, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[In this globalization era, technological advances undeniably encouraged the developmentof the scope of crime along with the development of science. The phenomenon of crimecommitted in cyberspace, known as cybercrime, is one of the most dangerous crimes thatare currently faced by most people in the world. One of those crimes is racism incyberspace or what so-called cyber racism. The United States and Australia are the twolargest countries out of the Council of Europe member countries which committed toovercome cyber racism by ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime andadditional protocol concerning cyber racism (CETS 189). Nonetheless, there are somedifferences in the implementation of this convention between the United States andAustralia in overcoming cyber racism. This study aims to determine factor that influencesthe differences in the implementation of CETS 189 in the United States and Australia.Using culturalist approach as an analytical lens, this study argues that national law is thecause of the differences in the implementation of CETS 189 in the United States andAustralia. It is affected by cultural factor in which the United States has liberal perceptionregarding freedom of speech, while Australia tends to provide some limits on freedom ofspeech.]]>
