Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
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<![CDATA[Power Contestation on Marriage Age Discourse in Dealing with Islamic Value: a Case Study on Nahdlatul Ulama ]]>
<![CDATA[RAHMAWATI, DIAN EKA]]>;
<![CDATA[DARWIN, MUHADJIR]]>;
<![CDATA[AHMAD, MUNAWAR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to understand the debate on the issue of early prevention from the perspective of NU and NU women activist group. Why there is a difference between NU structures and NU women activist groups. What the knowledge regime that underlies the legitimacy of their attitude is. What are the interests behind differences in attitudes and knowledge regimes used. This study uses a qualitative method. The data was collected by interviewing the board of Muslimat NU, PP Fatayat NU, and PP Rahima and collecting documentation from books, journals, magazines, printed and online newspapers, official website, and mass media decisions. Data analysis techniques performed with data reduction, data display, and conclusion. The result shows that differences in attitudes about the issue of early marriage between NU structures and NU women activist groups stem from different perspectives and interests. Differences perspectives can be seen from differences in interpretation "baligh" as the basis for setting marriage age limit. The interest of the NU structures to accomodate early marriage practices are still prevalent among NU and maintain the status quo of the NU gender habitus. The interest of NU women activist groups is to contextually interpret fikih and to fight for the ideology of theological feminism prosecuting patriarchy within the NU gender habitus. NU Women’s activist groups can reproduce reason about gender relation in Islam that derived from the accumulation of social capital and cultural capital. Keywords: Power Contestation, Marriage Age Discourse, Early Marriage, Capitals, Habitus, Nahdlatul Ulama Women's Activist]]>
<![CDATA[The Reproductive Health of the Philippines: Perceptions in the South ]]>
<![CDATA[A, SITTIE AKIMA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This is a descriptive and correlational study that focuses on determining the level of awareness and attitudes of the respondents toward the reproductive health program of the Philippines. It tried to test the hypotheses whether there is significant relationship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile such as age, gender, education, annual income, work type, and number of children and their level of awareness and attitude towards the reproductive health program.The study found that majority of the respondents are aware and have positive attitude toward the RH Law which can be partly attributed to their place of employment which is an academic institution and where the reproductive health issue is expected to be subjected to thorough discussions.It is concluded that the respondents have favourable and positive reactions on the RH Law, hence it is necessary for the government to pursue it with due respect to religion and cultural beliefs of the Filipinos especially among the Catholics.  It is recommended that awareness drives and information dissemination on the positive effects of the RH Bill should be continued, not only in schools but also in communities where most poor families live. ]]>
<![CDATA[Political Communication Model in Indonesian Parliament ]]>
<![CDATA[Arrianie, Lely]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The main objective of this study was to determine the model of political communication in the Indonesian parliament. The phenomenon of political communication using 'violence', occurred in Indonesian parliament period 1999-2004. This research was conducted with qualitative analysis, by developing interactionist theory, constructive, symbolic interaction in the political sphere. The results found that political communication in Indonesian parliament cannot be conceived as direct communication because the communication is interactional and transactional. Therefore, every political message is ultimately between interests and disagreements. It can build a conceptual model in which ‘violence’ in the delivery of political messages physically or psychologically occurs on the ‘front stage', 'middle stage’ and ‘backstage’.]]>
<![CDATA[Public Participation, Transparency- The Utilisation of Social Media Bandung City ]]>
<![CDATA[ARWANTO, ARWANTO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Mayor of Bandung, Ridwan Kamil, has reformed his government. It is now the best performing city in Indonesia, and mainly through the use of technology such as social media. This paper focuses on the use of his social media account to increase transparency and public participation. This paper answers questions about: how he utilised his Facebook account to be open and involved his electorate and maximize government efficiency and responsibility. This research uses a mixed qualitative and quantitative content analysis to answer research questions. The data are consists of 264 posts from January 2016 to June 2016, and are categorised as: information sharing, government activity, decision impacts, accountability, and personal posts. The results show that Ridwan Kamil Facebook page became a venue for two-way interaction between the public and government. In term of transparency, Facebook can provide information that is accessible to the people. This research found that the selection of issues and language style of the posts have significant impacts on the level of public engagement. In addition, it highlighted the potential of the use of social media to promote the branding of individuals and corporation including government. ]]>
<![CDATA[Women Workers Resistance Against Elite Class Hegemony in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[KUSUMASARI, BEVAOLA]]>;
<![CDATA[UMAR, SUYULATUDZ]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study describes the women carrier labor resistance movement in Yogyakarta towards the dominance and hegemony done by other classes in the social structure of the market environment. This study uses a qualitative method with phenomenological approach and data analysis refering to the concept of qualitative data analysis. The results showed that the social structure in a market environment puts the women in the lowest social class and becoming the most effective tool in pursuing the domination and hegemony of the dominant actors. As a result, the market does not provide space for women workers to participate in the production process. They can not play a role in the social change because their position can only be regarded as a second class causing the increasingly unequel gap between the social classes. These conditions can then encourage the emergence of the women carrier labor activists to reduce disparities through alternative media.]]>
<![CDATA[Threats to the Ideology of Pancasila In the Reform Era: Praxis Case of Regional Development Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[GUNAWAN, BUDI]]>;
<![CDATA[RATMONO, BARITO MULYO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study about the ideology of Pancasila in the praxis of development policy at Local Government (Pemda), and also identifies the potential threat to the existence of Pancasila ideology in the reform era. Through a selection of field study research methods combined with Focus Group Discussion (FGD), we want to know and analyse critically how big ideology operates in development policy praxis. This study identifies the symptoms of two potential threats to Pancasila ideology in the Kulonprogo region. First comes from the stronghold of global capitalism through agents that continue to expand the market, systematically proceeds strategically with the policies of the regional government. Both come from the stronghold of the global religious movement that carries the ideology of Islamic universalism against diversity, thus threatening the ideology of Pancasila, especially the precepts of Indonesian Unity. In the meantime to face the threat of religious radicalism, intelligence strategies can use multiple options. Starting from the conventional approach of exploiting internal conflicts within the radical organisation, cultural strategy by facilitating the occurrence of strategic alliances between traditional- cultural-cultural forces with the power of locality culture face the attacks of radical Islamic political movements based on anti-Pancasila.]]>
<![CDATA[Threats to the Ideology of Pancasila In the Reform Era: Praxis Case of Regional Development Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[BUDI GUNAWAN]]>;
<![CDATA[BARITO MULYO RATMONO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v9i1.4070
<![CDATA[This study about the ideology of Pancasila in the praxis of development policy at Local Government (Pemda), and also identifies the potential threat to the existence of Pancasila ideology in the reform era. Through a selection of field study research methods combined with Focus Group Discussion (FGD), we want to know and analyse critically how big ideology operates in development policy praxis. This study identifies the symptoms of two potential threats to Pancasila ideology in the Kulonprogo region. First comes from the stronghold of global capitalism through agents that continue to expand the market, systematically proceeds strategically with the policies of the regional government. Both come from the stronghold of the global religious movement that carries the ideology of Islamic universalism against diversity, thus threatening the ideology of Pancasila, especially the precepts of Indonesian Unity. In the meantime to face the threat of religious radicalism, intelligence strategies can use multiple options. Starting from the conventional approach of exploiting internal conflicts within the radical organisation, cultural strategy by facilitating the occurrence of strategic alliances between traditional- cultural-cultural forces with the power of locality culture face the attacks of radical Islamic political movements based on anti-Pancasila.]]>
<![CDATA[The Reproductive Health of the Philippines: Perceptions in the South ]]>
<![CDATA[SITTIE AKIMA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.113-137
<![CDATA[This is a descriptive and correlational study that focuses on determining the level of awareness and attitudes of the respondents toward the reproductive health program of the Philippines. It tried to test the hypotheses whether there is significant relationship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile such as age, gender, education, annual income, work type, and number of children and their level of awareness and attitude towards the reproductive health program.The study found that majority of the respondents are aware and have positive attitude toward the RH Law which can be partly attributed to their place of employment which is an academic institution and where the reproductive health issue is expected to be subjected to thorough discussions.It is concluded that the respondents have favourable and positive reactions on the RH Law, hence it is necessary for the government to pursue it with due respect to religion and cultural beliefs of the Filipinos especially among the Catholics. It is recommended that awareness drives and information dissemination on the positive effects of the RH Bill should be continued, not only in schools but also in communities where most poor families live. ]]>
<![CDATA[Power Contestation on Marriage Age Discourse in Dealing with Islamic Value: a Case Study on Nahdlatul Ulama ]]>
<![CDATA[DIAN EKA RAHMAWATI]]>;
<![CDATA[MUHADJIR DARWIN]]>;
<![CDATA[MUNAWAR AHMAD]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v9i1.3871
<![CDATA[This study aims to understand the debate on the issue of early prevention from the perspective of NU and NU women activist group. Why there is a difference between NU structures and NU women activist groups. What the knowledge regime that underlies the legitimacy of their attitude is. What are the interests behind differences in attitudes and knowledge regimes used. This study uses a qualitative method. The data was collected by interviewing the board of Muslimat NU, PP Fatayat NU, and PP Rahima and collecting documentation from books, journals, magazines, printed and online newspapers, official website, and mass media decisions. Data analysis techniques performed with data reduction, data display, and conclusion. The result shows that differences in attitudes about the issue of early marriage between NU structures and NU women activist groups stem from different perspectives and interests. Differences perspectives can be seen from differences in interpretation "baligh" as the basis for setting marriage age limit. The interest of the NU structures to accomodate early marriage practices are still prevalent among NU and maintain the status quo of the NU gender habitus. The interest of NU women activist groups is to contextually interpret fikih and to fight for the ideology of theological feminism prosecuting patriarchy within the NU gender habitus. NU Women’s activist groups can reproduce reason about gender relation in Islam that derived from the accumulation of social capital and cultural capital. Keywords: Power Contestation, Marriage Age Discourse, Early Marriage, Capitals, Habitus, Nahdlatul Ulama Women's Activist]]>
<![CDATA[Women Workers Resistance Against Elite Class Hegemony in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[BEVAOLA KUSUMASARI]]>;
<![CDATA[SUYULATUDZ UMAR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v9i1.3813
<![CDATA[This study describes the women carrier labor resistance movement in Yogyakarta towards the dominance and hegemony done by other classes in the social structure of the market environment. This study uses a qualitative method with phenomenological approach and data analysis refering to the concept of qualitative data analysis. The results showed that the social structure in a market environment puts the women in the lowest social class and becoming the most effective tool in pursuing the domination and hegemony of the dominant actors. As a result, the market does not provide space for women workers to participate in the production process. They can not play a role in the social change because their position can only be regarded as a second class causing the increasingly unequel gap between the social classes. These conditions can then encourage the emergence of the women carrier labor activists to reduce disparities through alternative media.]]>
