Global Strategis
Jurnal Global & Strategis is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JGS invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JGS published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
Articles
210 Documents
<![CDATA[Indonesian Public Diplomacy: Preserving State Existence through Sharing of Indetities to Gain Mutual Understanding ]]>
<![CDATA[Iva Rachmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 1 (2017): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.11.1.2017.55-71
<![CDATA[This article places public diplomacy as an effort to preserve state’s existence in the international relations as well as to share identity in order to achieve mutual understanding by state and non-state actors. The conception of public diplomacy over the years has placed public diplomacy on the narrow framework of the state’s efforts to build a positive image. As a result, such efforts are ignorant of the important efforts of non-state actors in building a fundamental thing for the existence of a state, its identity. Through some historical facts, this article shows that public diplomacy is an effort not only held by the state but also non-state actors in communicating their identity. Both actions are within the public diplomacy of state design or done independently. State domination sometimes limits the movement of non-state actors, but on the contrary in the current era of openness provides wider opportunities for non-state actors to play a better and more independent role in preserving their existence as well as relations among citizen]]>
<![CDATA[Nuclear Energy for Everyone, Nuclear Weapons for No-One ]]>
<![CDATA[Makarim Wibisono]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 1 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.1.2016.109-124
<![CDATA[The article explores the complicated nature of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons even though from the military, ethical and legal perspective, the destructiveness, immorality and illegality of the current situation cannot be perpetuated. Some of the nuclear-weapon states, however, have consistently refused to agree to any approach under multilateral auspices for the abolition of nuclear weapons. Rather, attention has been deflected to the horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, while the equally urgent task of complying with the legal obligation of implementing Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) concerning nuclear disarmament has been marginalized. I argue, no form of warfare would confront humanity with dangers even remotely comparable with the danger of nuclear warfare. Such disaster would affect the world economy and other vital aspects of the global infrastructure. The sudden collapse of many of the world’s leading trading nations as well as the mechanisms for international transactions would lead to profound disorganization and leave other nation. In addition to the human cost, the ecology of the world would be severely affected and the infrastructure of civilization would be shattered.]]>
<![CDATA[Feminist Critiques against Traditional Approaches to Security ]]>
<![CDATA[Petrus Farneubun]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.1.2015.19-36
<![CDATA[Feminists claim that national security is a model of masculinity domination,which hardly disputes. This essay addresses feminists critique on notion ofconventional security and provides feminists own definition. It shows thatfeminists adopt comprehensive approach in relation to security. They tend todefine security in a broad term to accomodate contemporary issues. They alsopropose neutral concept of security to demonstrate that security is notexclusively men’s business.]]>
<![CDATA[The Rise of Sino-Russian Order? Mapping China's and Russia's Geo-Economic Capabilities ]]>
<![CDATA[Radityo Dharmaputra]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 1 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.1.2018.103-120
<![CDATA[There is a growing debate about the emerging powers of China and Russia and the possibility of the two countries to balance the hegemony of United States in the world order. Based on the proposed geo-economical approach, I analyse the growing dynamics of China and Russia and compare the strengths and weaknesses of each countries’ style of economic development. After analysing the strengths and weaknesses of both countries, I elaborate the possibility of conflict and cooperation between them. I argue about the probability of success and failure in the both countries’ aspiration to balance the domination of United States. These dynamics, whether ending in challenging the U.S. hegemony or not, is likely to generate concerns, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Therefore, I also elaborate the possible complications in the regions regarding the both countries’ quest for power. In the end, I try to argue about the position of China and Russia related to the relative position of the United States, especially in the Asia-Pacific region.]]>
<![CDATA[Four Scenarios of Malaysia-Indonesia Migration: From the Status Quo to the Wild Card Scenarios ]]>
<![CDATA[Suyatno Ladiqi]]>;
<![CDATA[Reevany Bustami]]>;
<![CDATA[Ellisha Nasruddin]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 1 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.1.2016.15-29
<![CDATA[In the context of ASEAN, the number of migrants from Indonesia and Malaysia is the largest. Combining the regular and the irregular migrants, the estimates range from 1.8 million to 3 million people. It is incontrovertible that movement of such magnitude has its impacts, probably both positive and negative. This article aims at providing an analysis based on future scenarios. The purpose is not to make predictions but rather to chart possible paths of critical events that would lead to different scenarios which have different implications to the political, economic and socio-cultural realities. Within this analysis, it is hoped that certain taken-for-granted blind-spots, due to conventional assumptions and mainstream paradigms, will be exposed and examined.]]>
<![CDATA[Poros Maritim Dunia Sebagai Pendekatan Strategi Maritim Indonesia: Antara Perubahan Atau Kesinambungan Strategi? ]]>
<![CDATA[Probo Darono Yakti]]>;
<![CDATA[Joko Susanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 2 (2017): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.11.2.2017.108-125
<![CDATA[As a nation-state located in a cross-position, Indonesia proposes a maritime strategy approach in the form of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). To some extent, GMF introduces an advanced concept from the previous maritime strategy. Therefore this explanative research will explore further about concepts related to change or continuity, related to the maritime strategy of Indonesia in the previous periods before GMF. Based on field data, this research found a number of facts that concludes GMF to some extent is a change from previous maritime strategy. Moreover, the debate of Indonesia’s geographical position could be interpreted as a response against threats which already exists. Thus this condition experienced a shift due to the dynamics of international politics. This qualitative research also conducts that GMF is a value which inherited from previous administration to further adapt on contemporary situations. Thus in general these findings indicate that GMF is a change from the previous maritime strategy.]]>
<![CDATA[Memperkuat Lokalitas Kota Semarang di Era Globalisasi melalui Diplomasi Lokal ]]>
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Hermini]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramasatya, Satwika]]>;
<![CDATA[Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 1 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.1.2018.1-15
<![CDATA[Globalisasi menyebabkan semua lini kehidupan menjadi saling berhubungan. Desentralisasi yang dikuatkan melalui penyebaran nilai-nilai demokrasi melalui fenomena globalisasi nyatanya telah memunculkan pemerintah daerah sebagai salah satu aktor penting dalam hubungan internasional melalui perannya dalam paradiplomasi. Diadopsi dari pengalaman negara-negara maju, negara berkembang kini mengadaptasikan paradiplomasi dengan kondisi dan kepentingan yang dimiliki. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi diplomasi yang kompatibel dengan konsep lokalitas, sehingga dapat memperkuat lokalitas Kota Semarang di era globalisasi. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan konsep desentralisasi dan paradiplomasi dengan metode kualitatif untuk menganalisa data yang diperoleh. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa paradiplomasi tahap pertama telah diterapkan oleh Pemerintah Kota Semarang. Paradiplomasi tahap pertama ini dilakukan untuk mencapai kepentingan ekonomi, seperti meningkatkan investasi dan memperluas pasar, tanpa meninggalkan identitas dan modalitas lokal. ]]>
<![CDATA[Arab Spring: Dimensi Domestik, Regional dan Global ]]>
<![CDATA[M Muttaqien]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 2 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.2.2015.262-276
<![CDATA[Artikel ini menganalisis keterkaitan antara globalisasi dan demokratisasi di negara-negara Arab dengan Arab Spring sebagai studi kasus. Analisis kualitatif dilakukan dengan mengamati dimensi domestik, regional dan global yang melingkupi peristiwa Arab Spring tersebut. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa demokratisasi di Arab adalah fenomena lintas batas yang tidak hanya melibatkan aktor negara namun juga aktor non negara mulai dari individu dan kelompok masyarakat sampai dengan msyarakat sipil global. Namun, konsolidasi demokrasi di Timur Tengah adalah jalan yang sulit karena aktor negara diwakili para elitnya menggunakan cara-cara tidak demokratis untuk menghalangi kekuatan oposisi meraih kekuasaan. Pada saat yang bersamaan, negara-negara Barat yang memiliki pengaruh terhadap elit di Timur Tengah tidak serius dalam mendorong penerapan demokrasi. Sedangkan kelompok oposisi yang umumnya berasal dari kekuatan politik Islam dengan menggunakan media dan teknologi informasi mencoba untuk mendemokratiskan siste politik di negara-negara Arab. Mereka meyakini bahwa demokrasi adalah jalan untuk mencegah tampilnya kekuasaan tirani di negara-negara Arab.]]>
<![CDATA[Problem Dasar Kesenjangan Digital di Asia Tenggara ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Safril Mubah]]>;
<![CDATA[Amalia Wardahni]]>;
<![CDATA[Della Febri Ponsela]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Ahalla Tsauro]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 2 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.2.2016.204-220
<![CDATA[Sebagai sebuah kawasan yang terintegrasi, Asia Tenggara sesungguhnya tidak terkoneksi baik secara digital. Hal itu tampak dari lebarnya kesenjangan akses digital antara Singapura sebagai negara dengan perekonomian paling maju dengan negara-negara lainnya di kawasan ini. Akibatnya, komunikasi digital tidak dapat dijalankan secara lancar hingga berdampak pada interkonektivitas kawasan. Inilah problem yang diulas dalam artikel ini dan berdasarkan hasil riset yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa kesenjangan digital di Asia Tenggara disebabkan oleh kebijakan pemerintah yang tidak tepat sasaran dan rendahnya pendapatan per kapita sebagian besar masyarakat. Kebijakan pemerintah berkorelasi dengan kegagalan para pengambil kebijakan membangun jaringan infrastruktur telekomunikasi yang memadai dan merata di semua wilayah. Sementara, rendahnya pendapatan membuat masyarakat tidak mampu membeli perangkat teknologi seperti komputer dan telepon genggam sekaligus tidak memiliki modal cukup untuk berlangganan akses internet.]]>
<![CDATA[Knowledge Economy in a Globalised India: Who Gets What? ]]>
<![CDATA[June Cahyaningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.1.2015.111-112
<![CDATA[At the beginning of the 21st century, the world started to spot India as one ofthe global epicenter of Information Technology (IT) industry. Unlike any otherindustries, IT caters the idea of knowledge and market, two essential pillars inthe knowledge economy. Also, unlike the old type of financial economy whichtends to be excessive due to its weighting on growth development, the termknowledge economy brings the idea of human capital investment and greateropportunity for vertical mobilization, hence promises more social equity.However, despite a more positive outlook towards India, records on poverty,malnutrition, and other social issues in India seem unmoved. This paperattempts to highlight how IT industry has actually developed in India and howlikely it will lead to.]]>
