Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JHI invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JHI published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
Articles
187 Documents
<![CDATA[Penguatan Kerjasama ASEAN Plus Three (APT) untuk Penanganan dan Mitigasi Dampak Negatif Ekonomi dari Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Yang Kharisma Febreani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.31254
<![CDATA[This study will discuss efforts to strengthen ASEAN Plus Three (APT) cooperation in dealing with the mitigation of negative economic impacts resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic which will be explained using the concept of Economic Regionalism. The scope of this research is limited to the policies carried out by ASEAN Plus Three (APT) to help maintain economic and financial stability, as well as new breakthroughs in the digital economy in the Southeast Asia region. The results of this study are that the policies undertaken by APT in dealing with negative economic impacts are divided into three, namely the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO), and the Asian Bond Market Initiative (ABMI). The strengthening of regional cooperation has had a positive impact on efforts to recover the economy in the Southeast Asia region.]]>
<![CDATA[Exports Driven by Hallyu Increasing South Korea’s Economic Growth - Cultural Diplomacy Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[titing reza reza]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33230
<![CDATA[Hallyu, or what was known as the Korean Wave that expanded through globalisation, was used as a soft power instrument for South Korean cultural Diplomacy to repair South Korean relations with other countries, as well as to develop its economic sites. Hallyu products can increase South Korea’s GDP by 0.2% in 2004 or by $ 1.87 billion, and it even reached $12.3 in 2019. This study uses four variables of Hallyu products that drive Korean economics: Cosmetics or K-beauty, Fashions, Inbound Tourism and education, compared with the other four highest non-Hallyu variables such as Electrical, Nuclear, Vehicles and Plastics. By using the correlations analysis method with python, the mathematical model of finding shows that the correlation of Hallyu products to South Korea’s GDP per capita was robust, even reaching a positive number of 0.89 compared to non-Hallyu products with a positive value of 0.44. This circumstance indicates that the Hallyu product has a very high correlation, where there was a positive increase of a fixed proportion in the other. Therefore, cultural Diplomacy carried out by South Korea was an example of soft power that has succeeded in controlling not only diplomacy but the economy as well.]]>
<![CDATA[The Ever-growing China’s Maritime Rise and South China Sea Dispute: A Literature Review ]]>
<![CDATA[Heriawan -]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33644
<![CDATA[This article explores the implication of China’s increasing maritime capability and what its means for the world peace. Is China’s maritime expansion a threat or a peaceful one? In this article, the author scrutinies the recent debates and its problematic interpretation of China’s maritime rise through the perspective of integrative review and neoclassical realism approach. First, this article describes the concept of rising power in International Relations and provide an overview of South China Sea (SCS) dispute state-of-the-conflict. Second, it would provide a thorough discussion of the China’s behaviour and intention in the disputed sea. The discussion extends over several prominent concepts: Rising Power, Global & Regional Order, Strategic Orientation, and National Conception. To conclude, this article argues the ever-expanding China maritime strength has given advantages to China’s claim in the disputed sea. China’s strategy pushing the limit of aggressiveness under the threshold of war. At the same time reassuring other countries through various cooperative and economical means.]]>
<![CDATA[Masa Depan di Perbatasan : Pendekatan Humanitarian Pendidikan Pengungsi Anak di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Renatha Ayu Rossdiana]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33711
<![CDATA[Globalisasi telah menyebabkan pergerakan manusia antar negara semakin intensif dengan berbagai kondisi termasuk gelombang pengungsi. Sebagai negara transit, karena belum menandatangani konvensi pengungsi 1951, Indonesia tidak memiliki kewajiban dalam menangani pengungsi tersebut. Namun, pemerintah memberikan perhatian pada pengungsi anak utamanya dalam akses pendidikan. Pertanyaan yang dielaborasi dalam tulisan ini yaitu sejauh mana pendidikan pengungsi anak mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif dari pemerintah Indonesia. Kesimpulan tulisan ini yaitu pendekatan humanitarian merupakan alasan penting dibalik kebijakan Indonesia. Hal ini juga terkait dengan globalisasi yang mendorong nilai kemanusiaan semakin menjadi salah satu unsur penting dalam pengambilan kebijakan suatu negara. Dalam hal pendidikan pengungsi anak, Indonesia menaruh perhatian karena telah meratifikasi Deklarasi Umum Hak Asasi Manusia dan the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child 1989. Dengan dukungan dari pemerintah lokal, UNHCR dan IOM, penanganan pendidikan ini cukup mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif. Terkait kebaruan, penulis mengelaborasi kondisi pengungsi anak, tantangan, sinergitas berbagai aktor dalam memfasilitasi akses pendidikan berupa sekolah formal maupun non formal yang ditekankan melalui prinsip humaniter yang sejauh ini belum dibahas dalam publikasi lainnya yang kebanyakan fokus pada aspek hukumnya yang secara konseptual belum menyentuh ranah hubungan internasional terutama prinsip kemanusiaan.]]>
<![CDATA[Kepentingan Nasional Arab Saudi dalam Kebijakan Intervensi Militer di Yaman terhadap Keterlibatan Iran ]]>
<![CDATA[Falhan Hakiki]]>;
<![CDATA[Deasy Silvya Sari]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33725
<![CDATA[Fenomena Arab Spring di Yaman telah menimbulkan terjadinya intervensi negara lain terhadap situasi domestiknya. Intervensi ini dilihat pada kebijakan intervensi militer Arab Saudi di Yaman yang dilatar belakangi oleh keterlibatan Iran terhadap situasi domestik di Yaman akibat dari Arab Spring. Kebjikan ini juga menjadi kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi yang tidak lepas dari konflik antara Arab Saudi dan Yaman sendiri. Dengan menggunakan kerangka konseptual kepentingan nasional, serta metode penelitian kualitatif, terdapat empat kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi dalam kebijakan intervensi militer ini. Pertama, kepentingan pertahanan yaitu untuk mempertahankan batas negaranya dari ancaman Iran yang bergabung dengan pemberontak Houthi di mana Yaman berbatasan langsung dengan Arab Saudi. Kedua, kepentingan ekonomi yaitu didasari oleh bantuan ekonomi Iran yang diberikan kepada pemberontak Houthi. Ketiga, kepentingan tatanan dunia yaitu menegaskan status Arab Saudi sebagai regional power di Timur Tengah. Keempat, yaitu kepentingan ideologis yaitu Arab Saudi menggambarkan intervensi militernya ini sebagai perlawanan terhadap pengaruh Syiah yang dibawa oleh Iran di Yaman.]]>
<![CDATA[Sektor Privat sebagai Otoritas Moral Alasan dibalik Kepatuhan PBSI terhadap Peraturan Anti – Doping WADA ]]>
<![CDATA[Sabda Ningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33766
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini meneliti terkait kontrol anti – doping WADA dan alasan PBSI patuh terhadap kode anti – doping WADA. WADA sebagai NGO yang mengontrol norma anti – doping dalam olahraga seharusnya memiliki akuntabilitas yang lemah dalam menundukkan negara kecuali adanya kepentingan yang ditawarkan. Oleh karenanya, WADA sebagai NGO memberikan penawaran menarik kepada negara dan lembaga olahraga. Ini berkaitan dengan komersialisme olahraga dan globalisasi. Komersialisme olahrga sendiri merupakan strategi yang sengaja diformulasikan WADA agar negara beserta lembaga olahraga tertarik untuk berada dibawah kontrol anti – doping WADA sebagai NGO. Selanjutnya, globalisasi mendorong negara untuk masuk dalam permainan olaharaga demi menunjukkan eksistensinya sebagai sebuah negara. Maka temuan dalam tulisan ini menyatakan bahwa, kepentingan PBSI sebagai alasan untuk tunduk kepada anti – doping WADA dilandasi pada adanya komersialisme olahraga seperti mengejar sponsorship dan bonus dari pertandingan yang diberikan lembaga penyelenggara. Mengingat sponsor dan bonus dari turnamen bisa didapatkan dengan keaktifan PBSI mengirimkan perwakilannya di turnamen dan untuk mengikuti turnamen harus mematuhi WADA yang menaungi organisasi penyelenggara olahraga. Patuhnya PBSI juga difaktori citra bersih dari doping agar mereka tidak terbuang dari pergaulan olahraga dan menjagta reputasi bulutangkis Indonesia yang telah dibangun oleh generasi PBSI sebelum adanya WADA.]]>
<![CDATA[The 1994 Hutu and Tutsi Ethnopolitics Conflict in Rwanda: Genocide Revenge Settlement Through the Gacaca Reconciliation System ]]>
<![CDATA[Probo Darono Yakti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787
<![CDATA[The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.]]>
<![CDATA[AUKUS and Australia’s Nuclear-Powered Submarine: A Reinforced Strategic Culture ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ilham Ramandha Adamy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33817
<![CDATA[Australia’s decision to enter the AUKUS has caused some controversies among regional powers, especially noting the heightened Indo-Pacific discourse lately. But AUKUS isn’t a mere alliance against revisionist power, it has much deeper dan greater significance on Australia’s defence policies. This paper argues that AUKUS reflect the dilemmatic sub-strategic cultures within Australia’s defence policy considerations against the changing strategic environment in Indo-Pacific, the self-reliance and strategic dependence. Strategically, AUKUS presented Australia the opportunity to participate and shaping the Indo-Pacific under US-led initiative and act as technology catalysator on defence sector. Operationally, the nuclear-powered procurement under AUKUS will significantly boost Australia’s submarine fleet capability in sea denial and sea control mission as a part of larger coalition. Using strategic culture lens and studying primary and secondary documents in a qualitative work, the analysis of this paper concludes that AUKUS reflected the return and reinforced pattern of strategic dependence within Australia’s defence policy in the age of Indo-Pacific.]]>
<![CDATA[Implikasi Kultur Strategis Italia terhadap Perjanjian Quirinal: Dinamika Kontestasi Sub-Kultur Italia dalam Hubungan Prancis-Italia ]]>
<![CDATA[Fauzan Raihan Amru]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33919
<![CDATA[Italia sebagai salah satu negara yang signifikan dalam dinamika lingkup Eropa dan Mediterania secara historis dipahami memiliki bentuk karakteristik budaya strategis yang unik melalui pengalaman dan nilai-nilai historis Italia. Pengalaman Italia dalam dinamika perpolitikan Eropa terhadap antar aktor dapat dipahami fluktuatif dan berhubungan erat dengan konteks interaksi antar negara di masa tertentu. Relasi Italia dengan Prancis menjadi salah satu bentuk relasi yang fluktuatif dan cenderung memiliki karakteristik yang kompetitif dengan rivalitas yang kuat di antara satu sama lainnya, khususnya dalam ranah dinamika di kawasan Mediterania. Dengan naiknya Kabinet Conte I yang meliputi partai populis Gerakan Lima Bintang (M5S) dan Lega di Italia, hubungan kedua negara mengalami deterioritasi yang kuat terhadap berbagai isu akan imigrasi dan dinamika di Afrika. Seiring dengan pergantian Kabinet menjadi di bawah Draghi, hubungan kedua negara secara kontras diperkuat melalui melalui Perjanjian Quirinal dan menguatkan interdependensi keduanya. Melalui tulisan ini, penulis akan menggunakan pendekatan kultur strategis untuk memahami implikasi Perjanjian Quirinal terhadap identitas kultur strategis Italia di era kontemporer. Dengan analisis dominasi sub-kultur strategis Italia, penulis berargumen terdapat pergeseran dominasi ide kultur strategis dan persepsi ancaman Italia di bawah Kabinet Draghi. Dinamika kawasan Mediterania dan perpolitikan di Eropa dipahami memiliki peran kuat dalam pergeseran kultur strategis Italia.]]>
<![CDATA[Samsung’s CSR in Solving Educational Issues in India ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Izzah Anisah Ismail]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 2 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i2.34430
<![CDATA[This paper discusses how corporate social responsibility could help in assisting states with global issues. The globalization which is experienced by every part of the world has created new and more complex issues. These issues sometimes cannot be solved by the state solely, demanding a global governance with the hope to cope with the issues. The existence of multinational corporations (MNC) as a new rising actor, through their corporate social responsibility (CSR) is hoping to be responsible to the society they operate. The writer argues that through the Public-Private Partnership, the CSR by MNC can help the state in solving the global issues faced by them. One of the global issues that needs the attention of the community is educational issues, especially in developing states. To strengthen the writer’s argument, this paper will raise a case study on Samsung’s CSR and their impacts on India educational issues. India is one of the states who is battling with the educational issues, and Samsung as one of the biggest MNC in India is actively assisting the government regarding the issues. The success of these CSR can be seen through the response of the Indian local government.]]>
