Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[Demokrasi di Malaysia: Studi Perbandingan Periode Pemerintahan Tiga Perdana Menteri Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohammad Fauzi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 1 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0066.58-66
<![CDATA[This study aimed to compare the historical descriptive-interpretative effect general election implementation and socio-economic and cultural conditions of democracy and democratic process in Malaysia during the government period of Tunku Abdul Rahman to Mahathir Mohamad. The research based on the secondary data study-method. Based on the research, the general election implementation and socio-economic and cultural condition do not significant effect on democracy and the democratic process in Malaysia, except in the middle of Tun Abdul Razak’s government which the socio-economic conditions have a significant effect on democracy in Malaysia.]]>
<![CDATA[Opportunities and Challenges of Socio-Cultural Cooperation in China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rudolf Yuniarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.8232
<![CDATA[In addition to developing international relations, trade and infrastructure financing, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) also includes efforts to build human relations and socio-cultural exchanges between China and other countries. Human relations and socio-cultural exchanges have not been widely discussed in previous China’s BRI studies, such as labor migration, tourism relations, education, and social and cultural exchanges. All sectors have the potential to further increase in the amount and larger scale of cooperation in the future. This paper examined the extent to which this cooperation has developed in Indonesia. Furthermore, what are the constraints, to what extent are the critical roles of human relations and socio-cultural exchanges, and what matters should be followed up to strengthen relations between Indonesia and China?]]>
<![CDATA[Good Governance Sebagai Instrumen Kerja Sama Pembangunan Indonesia- Jerman di Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Kusumaningrum, Demeiati Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0032.106-119
<![CDATA[This research explains the relationship between development cooperation and foreign assistance mechanism. Structural adjustment programs (SAP) required to developing countries for the sake of foreign aid tends to transform into global norm –good governance. Legitimate governance aimed to run accountability, transparency, responsiveness, equity and inclusive, effectiveness and efficiency, rule of law, participatory and consensusoriented. Good governance is realized to strategic partnership of Provincial Government of Yogyakarta and the German Government in the area of administrative reform in 2008. It describes the norm empowerment and elite learning mechanism of good governance at the international structure, domestic-Indonesia, and local-Yogyakarta.]]>
<![CDATA[Normative Tensions: European Sanction vs. ASEAN’s Non-Interference in the Case of Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Robertua, Verdinand]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 2 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0059.167-180
<![CDATA[This article attempted to explain the relevancy of European sanction policy and ASEAN’s constructive engagement on Myanmar. In many case, normative power Europe theory which is pioneered by Ian Manners, has been an effective tool to explain the EU’s sanction policy. In this article, it will emphasize Thomas Diez’s postulation of the reflexivity of the EU’s identity as the main aspect of NPE. Consequently, it will elaborate on how EU’s identity is constructed against ASEAN who adopted constructive engagement. However, recent change in Myanmar has provoked the EU to postpone their sanction. It is puzzling because many reports from International Non-Government Organizations show that the reform in Myanmar is weak and unsustainable. ASEAN emerged as important partner for Myanmar in driving democratization and human rights regime construction in Myanmar.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelembagaan Regional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0084.40-49
<![CDATA[Institutionalization of non-traditional issues has become new phenomenon for ASEAN, including those related to human rights in the form of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). While its instutionalization has been one of ASEAN’s achievements for its sensitive characters, the AICHR also revealed several complexities. The first problem is related to ASEAN’s further attempts for boosting regional cooperation on human rights among its member states. Diversified political system of ASEAN’s states is deemed as its obstacle. The second refers to regional architecture of ASEAN which is prone to be loosely structured and more focussed on economic development and regional political stability. This paper seeks to explain dynamics among ASEAN’s member states in institutionalizing human rights issues. AICHR has been one of the most successful ASEAN’s achievements in managing non-traditional issues and promoting participation of non-state actors in this region. In doing so, this paper also shows tug-of-war between regional and national interests in the process of formulating regional regime on human rights in ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat dalam Sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada Masa Pemerintahan Presiden Barack Obama ]]>
<![CDATA[Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Gebyar Lintang Ndadari]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61100
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the United States (U.S.) involvement in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. It argues that U.S. involvement has strong reasons and gives significant impact on the region. Jurisdictional claims in the SCS amongst claimants have increased the military activities in the region.Therefore, U.S. needs to increase its presence and involvement in the disputed area. These actions are intended to maintain U.S. interests in the region and secure its national security in the SCS, especially to preserve American global leadership and to maintain peace and stability. Using the concept of balance of power and national security, this article explains that U.S. involvement causes the status quo in the SCS. Although the U.S. is working closely with the Philippines and Vietnam to be a balance of power in the region, U.S. involvement does not use the military power or conflict against China in the SCS.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis keterlibatan Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS). Artikel ini berargumen bahwa keterlibatan AS tersebut memiliki alasan yang kuat dan memberi pengaruh yang signifikan atas situasi yang terjadi di kawasan tersebut. Klaim tumpang-tindih enam pihak atau negara atas wilayah LTS telah meningkatkan ketegangan di kawasan. Hal itu membuat AS memperkuat kehadiran dan keterlibatannya di kawasan tersebut. Keterlibatan AS merupakan bagian dari upaya AS untuk memelihara keamanan dan kepentingan nasional atas LTS, serta menjaga kepemimpinan global, perdamaian, dan stabilitas di kawasan. Dengan menggunakan konsep perimbangan kekuatan dan keamanan nasional, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan AS menyebabkan status quo atas apa yang terjadi dalam wilayah LTS. Meskipun AS bekerja sama dengan Filipina dan Vietnam untuk menjadi kekuatan penyeimbang kekuatan di kawasan, namun keterlibatan AS tidak sampai pada penggunaan kekuatan militer atau konflik terbuka melawan Tiongkok di LTS.]]>
<![CDATA[Colorism, Mimicry, and Beauty Construction in Modern India ]]>
<![CDATA[Baiq Wardhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Era Largis]]>;
<![CDATA[Vinsensio Dugis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.62118
<![CDATA[Colorism adalah bentuk politik warna kulit. Mempertahankan warna berarti melestarikan politik diskriminasi. Di negara pasca-kolonial India, warna kulit menjadi simbol kekayaan dan kelas sosial. Praktik ini terkait dengan globalisasi dan kapitalisme, dan dilestarikan di dalam struktur sosial. Tulisan ini menjelaskan praktik diskriminasi dan penindasan pada wanita poskolonial India yang berdampak pada perubahan cara berpikir dan identifikasi diri terkait dengan warna kulit. Penulis berpendapat bahwa banyak wanita di negara poskolonial berasumsi bahwa warna kulit menentukan status sosial dengan menginternalisasi keyakinan bahwa orang kulit putih lebih disukai secara sosial. Sejalan dengan asumsi dalam studi poskolonial yang menempatkan masyarakat adat sebagai subyek perifer. Persoalan kompleks yang diciptakan selama era kolonial pada dasarnya tidak lenyap di era poskolonial. Salah satu konsekuensi dari mengubah identifikasi diri adalah munculnya pewarnaan kulit dalam bentuk pemutihan kulit, yang kemudian menjadi fenomena umum yang berkembang di negara-negara berpenduduk kulit berwarna yang memiliki sejarah kolonialisme Barat. Penggunaan pemutih kulit yang meluas oleh perempuan dan laki-laki di negara-negara berkulit berwarna adalah keberhasilan kapitalisme dalam mengeksploitasi kepercayaan diri yang rendah di antara orang-orang dari negara-negara kulit berwarna. Standar kecantikan Barat adalah bentuk kekerasan struktural dengan cara menghilangkan karakteristik budaya unik dengan mengubah gagasan bahwa putih adalah warna yang ideal. Colorism is a politics of skin color. Maintaining color is preserving the politics of discrimination. However, in the post-colonial country of India, skin color is a symbol of wealth and social class. This practice is related to globalization and capitalism, and is preserved in social structures. This paper explains the practices of discrimination and oppression in Indian postcolonial women that have an impact on changing ways of thinking and self-identification related to skin color. We argue that many women in the postcolonial state adopt the assumption that skin color determines social status by internalizing the belief that whites are socially preferred that justifies a key element in the post-colonial study on the observation of the process by which indigenous peoples are placed as peripheral subjects. The complex inferiority created during the colonial era basically does not disappear in the postcolonial era. One consequence of changing self-identification is the emergence of colorism in the form of skin bleaching, which then becomes a common phenomenon that develops in colored populated countries that have Western history. The widespread use of whitening skins by female and male in non-white skinned countries is the success of capitalism in exploiting poor self-confidence among the people of the colored nations. Western beauty standards are a form of structural violence since they have removed the unique cultural characteristics by changing the idea that white is the ideal color.]]>
<![CDATA[Keluar Dari “Teks Besar” Gagasan Post-Positivist dalam Studi Hubungan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Ade Marup Wirasenjaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 1 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0007.63-69
<![CDATA[The emergence of new perspectives in the International relations study is driven by analysis unit studies which experience a fundamental change in the world of interdependency today. The old unit analysis, which emphasized “great actor” and formal started to be sued. International relations are characterized by the presence of International society which includes issues, actor also new pattern relation which very influences the explanation and description of International relations. Hierarchy of International relations has been yielding to the external problems and internal problems blurred. Post-positivist view of descent proposed as a new analytical tool in International relations which changed drastically.]]>
<![CDATA[Biopolitics of Knowledgeable Neglect: The Case of Famine in Kazakhstan in 1931-1933 ]]>
<![CDATA[Aliya Sartbayeva Peleo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72135
<![CDATA[This article examines and problematizes the historic case of famine in Kazakhstan in 1931-33 to illustrate that ‘starvation’, ‘famine,’ or ‘food crisis’ occurred primarily because of ‘knowledgeable neglect’ by the Soviet governance system in order to pursue the priorities of modern development, such as industrialization in the context of overall social modernization of population. The paper also explores the concepts of ‘famine’ through Malthusianism, ‘entitlement approach’ and ‘new famine’. It also explains the biopolitical implications of these concepts using the historical case of the 1931-1933 famine in Kazakhstan. The case shows that particular Soviet government policies and political decisions by individual officials to worsened the condition of marginalized communities at the social periphery for the attainment of a ‘greater good’ of the government national priorities, particularly overall industrialization and modern economic development. The case demonstrates that any promotion of a dominant ‘identity’, particularly in its modernist form with ‘civilizing’ function, exposes the inclination towards exclusion and repression of ‘bare life’ of marginalized people at the periphery. On the whole, the article critically explores the ‘famine’ as a complex biopolitical problem of public action or inaction, failure of accountability, and therefore ‘knowledgeable neglect’ of periphery populations.]]>
<![CDATA[Studi Eksistensi Etnis Rohingya di Tengah Tekanan Pemerintah Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Anna Yulia Hartati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0022.7-17
<![CDATA[This article is trying to explain the roots of ethnic conflict in Myanmar, and what are the implications of the conflict. Ethnic conflict involves two ethnic groups are ethnic Rohingya Muslim and ethnic Buddha Rakhine. This conflict causes thousands of people trying to escape every year to Bangladesh, Malaysia and other places in the area. People try to escape because their rights are not given by the government Myanmar. The causes of ethnic conflict can be seen from three levels, which are Systemic level, which stated that the government’s Myanmar had conspired with foreign investors, Domestic level who said that the government Myanmar led by a military junta, and perception level that stated if ethnic Rohingya is similar to the Benggali. This conflict leads to refugees on the large scale and humanitarian issues and invite the reaction of the international community and the UN.]]>
