Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[Agenda Good Governance dan Globalisasi Ekonomi: Suatu Tinjauan Kritis ]]>
<![CDATA[Budi Winarno]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 2 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0011.95-106
<![CDATA[As a concept, development and good governance are not neutral, but they bring domination and interest. Currently, in era of globalization, there is a trend that shows democratization and the agenda of good governance are suspected to become a neoliberal project aimed to strengthen the domination of market over the state. Therefore, in order to prevent the agenda of good governance serving the interest of global corporations, democracy should be able to guarantee the individual rights, and the government continuously plays its crucial role in pushing the realization of social justice. In the context of maintaining democracy and civil society, the agenda of good governance are not only implemented by public institutions, but also they are done by both global corporations and global governance institutions.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia and The Criminalization of Illegal, Unregulated, and Unreported Fishing in The Global Level ]]>
<![CDATA[Irfan Ardhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10374
<![CDATA[The staunch measures taken by President Joko Widodo’s administration in combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing has attracted considerable attention from academia. However, previous studies focused on analyzing law enforcement measures in terms of the sinking-vessel policy. Consequently, they failed to adequately comprehend how Indonesia deals with the problem by criminalizing IUU Fishing at the global level. This article attempts to fill such a gap. Employing the five stages of the historical evolution of a global prohibition regime, introduced by Andreas and Nadelmann (2006), this research investigated the progress of Indonesia’s campaign to criminalize IUU Fishing at the global level and identified some hurdles that Indonesia has to address in fostering the advancement of the criminalization campaign. This article discovered that Indonesia has arrived at the third stage of making the global prohibition regime of TOC in the fisheries industry and has to deal with the hurdles of argumentation weakness and disagreement from several countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Keadilan Global dan Norma Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Faris Alfadh]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0038.167-174
<![CDATA[Selama ini teori keadilan dalam tradisi filsafat politik banyak didominasi oleh teori kontrak sosial (social contract). Keadilan dalam pandangan ini dilihat sebagai hasil dari kesepakatan yang dibuat bersama demi mencapai keuntungan semua pihak, serta meninggalkan apa yang disebut Thomas Hobbes sebagai “the state of nature” dan menyerahkan sepenuhnya pada hukum.]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor Geografis dan Konsepsi Peran Nasional sebagai Sumber Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Agus Haryanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0074.136-147
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the geographical factor as the source of the national role conception and foreign policy of a country. Indonesia has realized his strategic geographic location that laid between two oceans and two continents since the early days of independence. Indonesia is also aware of the geographical features as an archipelagic state. Its raises awareness of Indonesia to keep his territory for the declaration of Djuanda. This paper explore the Indonesian foreign policy that still using geographical factor as a source of foreign policy. This can be seen from the efforts of Indonesia continues to participate in various regional issues that could potentially interfere the sovereignty of Indonesia such as the disputed South China Sea and East China Sea. Indonesia also seeks active in border diplomacy to ensure the sovereignty of its territory.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Maritime Vision and the Prospect of Cooperation in the South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Masyithoh Annisa Ramadhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0088.78-99
<![CDATA[The South China Sea has witnessed an array of global power projections given the huge amount of potential resources there. There are at least sixcountries who committed to be claimant states; China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Despite its role as the external actor, the United States claimed that their presence is needed in order to preserve stability in the region. This vexing situation has led to security dilemma which brings about power competition thereby maintaining peace and security would be critical. Therefore, Indonesia as one of region‘s rising powers who commits to be a non-claimant state, iterated the importance of establishing cooperation to preserve regional security under maritime vision albeit its national interests at stake there. This research examined the extent to which Indonesia maintains neutrality while pursuing national interests in the South China Sea under the maritime vision. Cooperation could therefore become the tools for (1) stabilising regional security given the increase of interdependence among states, (2) forging the immersion of regional unity, and (3) lessening the global power projections.]]>
<![CDATA[Karakter Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Iva Rachmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61105
<![CDATA[Public diplomacy, as an effort to maintain the system of inter-state relations and also its existence in the international environment, refers to the communicative activities of the state as well as the domestic public to the public outside the state. Public diplomacy then becomes a supportive tool for maintaining inter-state relations and avoiding conflicts arising between countries. However, in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, the practice of public diplomacy tends to lead to negative actions in influencing relations. This article shows that negative Indonesian public diplomacy towards Malaysia has been influenced by distinctive characters, reactive and inferior. Those characters were formed by historical frame on collective memory which collide Malaysian NEP impact. As a result, public diplomacy does not exist as a bridge to maintain relationships positively but rather tends to be practised through negative communication forms. This article is a result of qualitative research methods based on interviews and literature studies. Diplomasi publik, sebagai upaya untuk memelihara sistem relasi antar negara dan juga keberadaannya dalam lingkungan internasional yang merujuk pada aktfitas komunikatif publik domestik suatu negara terhadap publik di luar negara. Diplomasi publik kemudian menjadi alat yang suportif untuk menjaga relasi antar negara dan menghindarkan negara dari konflik akibat persoalan yang muncul antar negara. Namun, pada relasi Indonesia-Malaysia, praktik diplomasi publik cenderung mengarah pada tindakan-tindakan yang negatif dalam memengaruhi relasi. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia yang negatif tersebut dipengaruhi oleh karakter yang khas, yaitu karakter reaktif dan inferior. Karakter tersebut terbentuk oleh bingkai sejarah pada memori kolektif yang bertemu dengan dampak NEP Malaysia. Akibatnya, diplomasi publik tidak hadir sebagai jembatan untuk memelihara relasi secara positif melainkan cenderung dipraktikkan melalui bentuk-bentuk komunikasi yang negatif. Artikel ini merupakan hasil riset yang dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif berdasar pada wawancara dan studi literatur.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy: Problems and Challenges ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71121
<![CDATA[This paper explains the recent development of Indonesia’s digital diplomacy—which Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has conducted—in responding to the growing challenges of information, communication, and technology (ICT) towards its national interest. The use of the internet and its social media has definitely changed the practices of diplomacy among sovereign states, including Indonesia. Analyzing the issue within the interplay between internet and diplomacy, this paper looks at the way Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats have kept up with the rapid development of the ICT by mastering the use of internet in winning people’s hearts and minds. Tracing back the MOFA’s policies and implementations of digital diplomacy through its website and other platforms of social media reveals its strong commitment in using digital diplomacy in managing its foreign relations in the recent internet era. Digital diplomacy has presented several benefits for having direct and interactive communication with foreign audiences. In addition, Indonesia’s digital diplomacy has also had to deal with various problems which are closely related to the increasing use of internet among states and non-state actors—both in domestic and international levels—which may put risk to state-to-state relations. Therefore, this paper argues that the response of Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats towards the increasing use of digital diplomacy would determine its capability in managing various problems and challenges of international relations in the recent internet era.]]>
<![CDATA[Individualism in a Stable Democracy as the Decisive Factor of the Progress of Behavioralism in the Development of American Political Science Post World War II ]]>
<![CDATA[Bambang Wahyu Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 1 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0009.76-87
<![CDATA[Since the end of World War II, the development of American political science showed the behavioral persuasion as the dominant one. Behavioralism had many factors and its rapid growth had a great impact on the development of political studies. Even in the recent times, no one deny that the American political science is the most influential school on the study of politics all over the world. In short, comparing to the other part of the world, the development of political science in America is revolutionary rather than evolutionary. Many scientists have written about the factors causing the rapid spring of behavioralism in American Political Science. However, this work is done to examine other significant factors. The question does not begin from “why American Political Science growing rapidly?” but “Why facts show us there was a slow motion growth of political science out of America?” I think that the answer is laid on individualism as a philosophy and/or ideology. Individualism is a belief in the primacy of the individual over any social group or collective body, so it will suggest that the individual is central to any political theory or social explanation. Individualism influenced political scientists to focus the unit of analysis on the individual behavior to explain collective phenomenon. We can see then, in other parts of the world, when stable liberal-democracy based on individualism occur, the social sciences can develop well. Maybe this is another unique characteristic of political science. The growth of political science depends on its political circumstances.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Pemerintahan Xi Jinping terhadap Taiwan dalam Mengamankan Kedaulatan Tingkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Inneke Firsana Dewi]]>;
<![CDATA[Karina Utami Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72136
<![CDATA[The dynamics of China and Taiwan relation which began with a civil war between the Communist Party and the Nationalist Party have not ended yet. President Tsai Ing-wen rejected the existence of the One China Policy and continued to strive for Taiwan#39;s independence in various ways. On the contrary, President Xi Jinping firmly declined Taiwan independence and insisted on defending Taiwan position as part of Chinese sovereignty. This paper aims to explain the attempt of Chinese government under President Xi Jinping in responding to Taiwan move using the concept of security sector by Buzan, Waever, and de Wilde encompasses the security strategy of the military, political,and economic sectors. Through the analysis form this concept, Chinese government’s attempt in military and political sector succeeded to overcome the threat from Taiwan position while in the economic sector, the outcome is not as expected since Taiwanese government intended not to depend on Chinese economics.]]>
<![CDATA[Contemporary Conflict Resolution and Islamic Conflict Resolution: Similarity and Differentiation on the Theoretical Level ]]>
<![CDATA[Nabilla Sabban]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 1 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0045.44-50
<![CDATA[The critiques towards Cosmopolitan conflict resolution theory that it cannot be applied universally because it is incompatible with the characteristics of the conflict in the other part of the world beyond Western significantly influence the field. Several scholars argue that the theory - specifically cannot help to solve the current conflicts that generally happen in the Islamic Worlds or Countries or involved Islamic fundamentalist group because it was taken from the culture, the norms and the values of Christian Western Europe and North America experiences. Thus, this rise a question, do we need to have new perspective or theory of Conflict Resolution to solve particular conflicts in the Islamic World or Countries - such as from the Islamic perspective? However, it is not easy since Islam particularly after 9/11 is commonly identified as religion and culture that inherently violent. Stand from this point of view the author want to explore on the essay whether the Cosmopolitan Conflict Resolution seriously cannot be applied universally especially in the Islamic World and pop up with the possibility of Conflict Resolution theory from the Islamic perspective.]]>
