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INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada
ISSN : 14104946     EISSN : 25027883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JSP) is an open access, and peer-reviewed journal. Our main goal is to disseminate current and original articles from researchers and practitioners on various contemporary social and political issues: gender politics and identity, digital society and disruption, civil society movement, community welfare, social development, citizenship and public management, public policy innovation, international politics & security, media, information & literacy, politics, governance & democracy, radicalism and terrorism. JSP is published three times a year.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 6 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November" : 6 Documents clear
Silent Political Apathy in Urban Society: The Case of Medan 2018 Election Derajad Sulistyo Widhyharto; Desi Rahmawati; Norin Mustika Rahadiri Abheseka
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.51724

Abstract

Studies on non-voting behavior and which depart from social perspectives have long been stagnated due to the dominance of analysis that puts systems, institutionalization, political mechanisms and participation as the main viewpoints of the studies. This study using social perspectives is useful to explain why voters were not present at polling stations during the Medan 2018 Election. It elaborates the social aspects that influenced non-voting behavior in the urban area of Medan in North Sumatra, Indonesia during the 2018 gubernatorial election. Utilizing mix- method strategies, instead of citing social aspects as a mere research context, this article argues that social aspects in the form of social cleavages worked behind the silent apathy, namely apathy that was implicitly indicated by voters who were not present at polling stations. Social cleavages including ethnicity, religion and gender indicated a paradox since they—with the exception of gender—were used by candidates as the main campaign substance. On the other hand, large numbers of people showed disinterest in these social cleavages during the election. This article explains why abstained voters hid their disinterest behind their excuses for not being present at the polling stations for economic (working activities) and other reasons.
Poverty and Digital Divide: A Study in Urban Poor Neighborhoods Tri Mulyaningsih; Rutiana Wahyunengseh; Sri Hastjarjo
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.52325

Abstract

Literature suggests that the penetration of digital technology may create a digital divide, particularly for groups that lack resources and the capacity to access technology. This study is keen to examine the poverty and digital divide, particularly in urban poor areas. There are two research objectives. Firstly, to examine the digital diffusion and digital literacy within poor urban neighborhoods in the City of Magelang, Central Java, Indonesia. Secondly, to understand the variation of digital diffusion and digital literacy across areas (with different levels of poverty), age groups, genders and occupations. The data is collected from surveys focused on measuring the access to information, digital diffusion and the use of technology among the poor. This study found that there is a digital divide problem among people in urban areas, especially among people with low incomes. Moreover, the diffusion is dominated by certain groups such as younger people and females. Furthermore, digital literacy among the poor is low. The policy implication is to improve access for digital diffusion and provide assistance to improve digital literacy skills.
Indonesian Government’s COVID-19 Measures, January–May 2020: Late Response and Public Health Securitization Tangguh Chairil
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.55863

Abstract

The Indonesian government’s measures to control the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic can be characterized by late response due to initial de-securitization of the issue, and later securitization that limits its very efficacy in restricting the spread of the pandemic. This article uses securitization theory to analyze the government’s measures to control the COVID-19 pandemic and discusses how the government’s increasing reliance on military figures and national security agencies influences the measures used to control the COVID-19 pandemic. This study finds that initially, the government seemed to be trying to de-securitize the issue, denying warnings that the virus might have existed undetected in Indonesia. Then, after the first cases were confirmed in March 2020, the government responded by securitizing the issue. The delay in the government’s response to COVID-19 caused the audience to not fully accept the government’s securitization efforts because public trust in the government’s measures was already low, while the means of emergency action taken by the government against the threat of COVID-19 are also limited. The government has also been overly reliant on influential military figures and national security agencies. The government also tended to downgrade the threats, lack transparency, and even use the pandemic to crack down on anti-government smears. This article concludes that the government needs to change their approach to COVID-19 measures and prioritize the human security dimension by not downgrading the threats and upholding transparency.
“Ndableg,” “Ra Sah Ngeyel”: Verbal Offense through Banners about the COVID-19 Pandemic Aris Munandar
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.56401

Abstract

Frustration can be expressed in public in different ways. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the grassroots protestors in Yogyakarta vent their frustrations triggered by the uncertainty through banners, which are simple, yet send messages of the country’s wrongdoings in dealing with the pandemic. This paper discusses verbal violence through negative sentiments expressed in the banners the Yogyakarta grassroots organizations use to respond to the Covid-19 pandemic prevention campaign. This study collected the data from 20 banners displayed in rural areas in Sleman regency, Yogyakarta, during March through April 2020. The analysis applied a sociopragmatic approach. The findings reveal the banners’ strong negative tones targetted to the lower-working class which reflect an inaccurate understanding of the fundamental concept of Covid-19 preventive measures and mitigation. Stigmatization of the lower-working class is underway to hurt the cohesion of society. The negative tones can escalate people’s anxiety, counterproductive to Covid-19 pandemic mitigation as it is against the wisdom of coping with the pandemic with a peaceful mind. Therefore, it suggests that evaluation by the agents of authority is imperative to prevent misunderstanding of the Covid-19 pandemic and build effective communication skills.
Pandemic Crisis in Online Media: Quantitative Framing Analysis on detik.com’s Coverage of Covid-19 Justito Adiprasetio; Annissa Winda Larasati
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.56457

Abstract

This study shows how detik.com, a pioneer and one of the largest online media companies in Indonesia frames the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. From the 6713 news reports in January, February and March, the most dominant framing of the crisis that appeared in the coverage was attribution of responsibility, followed by frame of human interest, frame of morality, frame of conflict and the last is frame of economic consequences. The quantitative approach was used in this research to ensure that systematic analysis and non-arbitrary procedures can be carried out on large amounts of data. This study offered a better understanding on of how online media framed the crisis during the pandemic. The results of this study indicate that the frame of attribution of responsibility is not only the most widely used by detik.com, but also the most dominant when the government is the main source of the news. The form of attribution of responsibility in times of crisis tends to be stronger in the realm of government because crisis events are widespread, forming an experience felt at the national level. As a result, crisis events have the potential to become political symbols used in framing various debates regarding a policy in the long run. The average tone of news towards the government from January to March was positive, although it gradually became more negative. 
Blunders of Government Communication: The Political Economy of COVID-19 Communication Policy in Indonesia Masduki Masduki
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.57389

Abstract

Government officials and politicians have been both a help and hindrance in the public dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic. The intervention of a president and his/her ministries with their political and economic interests is particularly problematic when they employ a tactical approach rather than provide accurate and effective disaster information. This paper utilizes a political-economy approach to analyze the link between COVID-19 communication policies and practices with the interests of politics and market stability in Indonesia. In this paper, the author drills into the extent to which the country’s president and ministries manage their political interests in times of global pandemic. The ways they interact with the public during various stages of disaster are crucial because society is severely disrupted, with the government serving as the sole actor. This study uses qualitative methods and all materials are managed from an extensive review of current literature, policy analysis, and field observation. This paper finds that Indonesian government communication during the COVID-19 pandemic period (February– June 2020) has been dominated by a desire to maintain a strong power of the ruling authority and to secure market stability. Two factors—pro-market communication policies and manufactured- politicized COVID-19 data—have occurred. This paper contributes to the literature by focusing on the political and economic approach over the mediated discourses surrounding the pandemic.

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