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<![CDATA[PERKEMBANGAN PARADIGMA ADMINISTRASI PUBLIK (New Public Administration, New Public Management dan New Public Service) ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Anggriani]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 4 No 2 (2016): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v4i2a4
<![CDATA[Within the domain of public administration, several paradigms have emerged and developed such as new public administration, new public management and new public service. The word ‘new’ is labeled to complement service standard of public administration which previously focused on efficient, economical and coordinated management, as well as social equity. New public administration emphasizes on the values of efficiency, productivity and business into public sectors to enhance the existing circumstances of public bureaucracy which tended to be huge and over in number, inefficient and lack in public service performance and less attentive to the development and enhancement of public service. New public service refreshes the role of the government, which in new public management perspective plays as facilitator, to be more on public services. Mechanism to achieve the intended objectives is to establish coalition and partnership among the government, private sectors and civil society, to suit the agreed necessities. The development of these paradigms indicates that this discipline intensively and extensively undergoes self-enrichment in its research materials.]]>
<![CDATA[ELECTORAL VOLATILITY DALAM PERSPEKTIF KELEMBAGAAN PARTAI POLITIK DI INDONESIA : SEBUAH ANALISIS HUBUNGAN PARTAI POLITIK DENGAN KONSTITUEN ]]>
<![CDATA[Nasir, Nurlatipah]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 4 No 1 (2016): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v4i1a3
<![CDATA[According to Mainwaring, party systems in the third-wave democracies are markedly less institutionalized than those in most long-established democracies, more institutionalized systems are ones in which parties have strong roots in society. After the fall of Soeharto, the political parties in Indonesia facing many problems, especially on the relation between the parties and their constituent. The increasing number of electoral volatility show an instability as caused by the political parties which is weakly institutionalized. Whereas, the institutionalized political parties is generally acknowledged positively correlated with the consolidation of democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[RELASI POLITIK ELITE LOKAL PESISIR DAN PETANI RUMPUT LAUT PADA PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2014 KOTA PALOPO ]]>
<![CDATA[Armunanto, Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 5 No 1 (2017): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v5i1a1
<![CDATA[This research aims to find out how the local elites of coastal area establishing political relation with the mass, especially with seaweed farmers and to determine the factors that influence. This research was conducted in Palopo city, South Sulawesi since November until December 2015 and used descriptive qualitative method. The primary data was obtained by interviewing some informants in Wara Utara district in Palopo as the first election’s district. To support the primary data, the researcher used secondary data that obtained from literature resources, documents, and articles related to this research.The result of this research shows that the political relation existed in the form of economical dependence, which was the exchange, including the products marketing and occupation field that was dominated by the local elites. The local elites gained benefits in terms of support in the legislative election 2014, so that they got position in DPRD (District Legislative Council) of Palopo city. The political relation was affected by calculation benefit of elites, dependence service of markets, and guaranted income by local elites in coastal area.]]>
<![CDATA[AKTOR POLITIK KONTEMPORER DALAM PERSPEKTIF PSYCHOCULTURAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Asri, Syamsul]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 1 No 1 (2013): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v1i1a2
<![CDATA[Today, the post industrial era of digital modernity presents politics as a popular, non-elitism, day to day discourse. Even everyone may be a politician, who are aware of their surrounding power relation and get constantly involved in formulating political vision and mission, regardless of internal irrational overlapping interests. The contemporary political actors, whether or not they like it, have to disclose themselves to all possible approaches applied by any groups of people including both local businessmen and multinational capitalists, whose latter multilayered interests dominate structural politics. Politics of image culminates the actors’ existence, while the media plays amplifying roles and this point runs as a symbiosis; using the Panopticon concept of Foucault, a contemporary political actor as well as a subject and an object of Panopticon. Whether or not he was aware, Foucault had been trapped within a network of communication which either he himself established it or outsider’s systemic power did it. This in turn bears undisputable injustices sentiment among the very original owners of the polis; the demos or the people.]]>
<![CDATA[MENGURAI KOMPLEKSITAS SATU PASANGAN CALON DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH LANGSUNG ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurdin, Reski Yanti]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 5 No 1 (2017): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v5i1a6
<![CDATA[The existence of one pair of candidates who compete in direct elections is a new phenomenon in the procedural democracy in Indonesia. Various reasons that allow this phenomenon to occur range from a lack of decent and qualified political party cadres, reluctance of political parties to take possibly high risk due to the feedback provided by survey institutions, difficulties resulted from formal legislations for independent candidates and from several rules provided by the incumbents. This paper elaborates these problems and provides solutions to minimize the occurrence of one pair of candidates in the direct elections.]]>
<![CDATA[ISLAM IDEOLOGIS DAN GERAKAN POLITIK ISLAM KONTEMPORER ]]>
<![CDATA[Karim, Syahrir]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 4 No 2 (2016): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v4i2a2
<![CDATA[Islamic politics always played a key role in the formation of Indonesian national identity, even though Islam was finally compromised in the process of establishing the identity. Islam however was able to give strong influence within Indonesian history. This in turn gives Islam a space to deeply take part in the development of Indonesian politics until now. In another side, the role of political parties, particularly Islamic ones, will always shape the discourse of Islamic party in Indonesia, which in turn will be an indicator for the ongoing involvement of Islamic politics in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[OTONOMI DAERAH DAN DESENTRALISASI DESA: Menuju Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Desa ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadir, Sakinah]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 1 No 1 (2013): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v1i1a7
<![CDATA[Villagers have been long marginalized and frequently treated as merely vote getters by outsiders’ power [the elites] to compete for their social and political support. This has been taking places for such a long time including during the time of Soeharto’s New Order. The legislation of Laws Number 22 Year 1999 on Regional Autonomy, and then the Laws Number 32 Year 2004 have provided better hope for a more democratic treatment for the villagers, particularly by the application of Village Autonomy [Otonomi Desa]. Village democracy through Village Autonomy is actually not a new concept in this country. Due to various obstacles, however, this sort of autonomy has never been successfully applied. Since the application of Laws Number 32 Year 2004, by the establishment of Village Democratic Board, it is hoped that village democracy may be successfully realized, not only on its formal aspects but also on its substantial ones.]]>
<![CDATA[PEMBANGUNAN KERETA CEPAT JAKARTA-BANDUNG SEBAGAI MERCUSUAR HUBUNGAN INDONESIA-TIONGKOK ]]>
<![CDATA[Yamin, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Windymadaksa, Shellia]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 5 No 2 (2017): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v5i2a4
<![CDATA[Cooperation between Indonesia and China after President Joko Widodo elected in 2014 is felt increasingly intense and closely, it can be seen on the many bilateral cooperation conducted by both countries. In particular, the construction of the Jakarta-Bandung Rapid Train is a project that receives more attention in the Indonesian-China partnership. This is because projects estimated to spend around 60-90 trillion rupiahs are mega projects in bilateral cooperation between the two countries. The construction of the Jakarta-Bandung Rapid Train does not use APBN funds but through the B to B scheme (Business to Business) is a new breakthrough in the implementation of a mega project. Moreover, the rapid development cooperation of Jakarta-Bandung train is a guarantee for the improvement of Indonesia's status as an investment-friendly country, so that in the future investors will be more confident in the easiness, security and comfort of investing in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[PILKADA SERENTAK DAN POTENSI KONFLIK DI SULAWESI-SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Amiruddin, Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 5 No 1 (2017): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v5i1a2
<![CDATA[One objective of a state is to create stability and prosperity for its people. To achieve this objective requires leaders who have the capacity and integrity to accomplish the state welfare. In electoral context, one of the goals of the election is to elect a qualified leader, but the goals of fair elections precisely have their own constraints, particularly conflict potentials that often occur in every election in Indonesia. In South-Sulawesi, in particular, the conflict potentials during the election frequently occurs in communities, which leads to friction at the elite level so that the goals of peaceful and fair elections are often far from the objectives of the Public Election Laws.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSTRUKSI IDENTITAS KE-PAPUA-AN DI KOTA MULTI KULTURAL (REFLEKSI KOTA YOGYAKARTA DALAM KAJIAN IDENTITAS ]]>
<![CDATA[Abbas, Moh Rafli]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 4 No 1 (2016): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v4i1a6
<![CDATA[The main aim of this writing is to analyze the formation of an identity conducted by students of Papua in expressing their ethnicity in Yogyakarta. The expression of their ethnic identity put forward in the public sphere is a strong indication that Papuan students in Yogyakarta reproduced their ethnic identity to represent their continuous struggle to be properly acknowledged and appreciated. Their expression of identity is a living proof of the existing political struggle as Papuan students in Yogyakarta to unhide their feeling of being neglected and discriminated among and by their fellow Indonesians.]]>
