Articles
<![CDATA[Faktor-Faktor Manuver Politik Qatar dalam Penguatan Aliansi dengan Iran Pasca Kasus Krisis Diplomatik Qatar tahun 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sukma Bintang Cahyani]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 3, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i3.24127
<![CDATA[Qatar as a small and wealthy country in the Persian Gulf was being hit by serious diplomatic crisis in the past 2017. The Crisis began when Saudi Arabia, Uni Arab Emirat, Bahrain, and Egypt (named as anti Qatar-quartet) accused Qatar for supporting terrorist group and Its alliance with Iran by doing blockade and terminated their diplomatic relations to Qatar. Some resolution efforts have been made to solve the conflict which happened inside the GCC. It was failed, included mediation from Kuwait. This conflict resolution efforts were leaving 13 demands from anti-Qatar Quartet that hurting the independence and sovereignty of Qatar, especially the demand of shutting down Al-Jazeera, to cut relations with Ikhwanul Muslimin and Iran. The real problem started when Qatar rejected those 13 demands and contrary has strengthening its alliance with Iran. The purpose of this research is to explain what are the driving factors of Qatar to take the political risk by strengthening its alliance with Iran rather than recovering its diplomatic relations with anti-Qatar Quartet by comply the 13 demands. The main argument of this research believes that Qatar as a small country is being weakened by the strong power of quartet. It causes the imbalance of power between them so Qatar choose to strengthens its alliance with Iran to increase its power in the crisis to confront the power of anti-Qatar Quartet threats. This research is analyzed using the concept of bandwagoning in the theory framework of neo-realist’s balance of power with qualitative descriptive research methods by using interview and literature review. The Qatar’s alliance strengthening with Iran will be explained by four factors based on theory analysis, such as: security factor, the inefficiency of GCC’s factor, The Trump’s factor and the LNG’S factor. The result is proved that the bandwagon effort of Qatar to Iran in the diplomatic crisis 2017 became the strategic solution for Qatar. In the end Qatar were able to survive and obtain its own security.Together with Iran, Qatar managed to increase its power to face the threats of Anti-Qatar Quartet and keep surviving in the regional structure.]]>
<![CDATA[Penanganan Illegal Tapping, Illegal Drilling dan Penyelewengan Bahan Bakar Minyak (BBM) Bersubsidi di Indonesia Tahun 2011-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Riyandani Rahmadiah Lioty]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte Pattipeilohy]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 4, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i4.17597
<![CDATA[Oil stealing with illegal tapping, illegal drilling and misusing of fuel subsidy mode had often occurred in the period of 2011 until 2015 in Indonesia. Indonesia incurred losses as much as ten billions every year. It was important to find out the efforts of Indonesia government because in 2011 until 2015, the number of stealing oil not only increased but also decreased. This research used qualitative method that tried to explain the efforts of Indonesia government. Furthermore, the efforts of Indonesia government were analyzed to find out the main factor why oil stealing still happened until present. The Institutional liberal theory was used for answering these phenomenon. The result showed that the efforts of Indonesia government were not enough. Indonesia government only focused on oil stealing and smuggling in domestic area, so it was the reason why oil stealing still happened in Indonesia. The international illegal oil trade syndicate that could not handle was the main reason related to oil stealing. Therefore, multilateral cooperation called institutional or regime cooperation that specifically against the international illegal oil trade syndicate was needed.]]>
<![CDATA[THE MILITARY ESCALATION BY THE ARCTIC FIVE MEMBERS IN THE ARCTIC OVER THE PERIOD OF 2007 - 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Benita Sashia Jayanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i2.23632
<![CDATA[The Arctic recently has shifted into one of the most appealing topic to be debated in terms of International Politics. The Arctic Five, membered by the United States, Denmark, Canada, Norway, and Russia are undergoing military escalation in the Arctic. Some precedings reports have linked the correlation between the military escalation with the dispute of territorial claims and the abundant of natural resources lying under the bottom of the Arctic Ocean. Perceiving that early conclusion given to this case, writer is being skeptical. The main object of this research is to discover the driven factors causing the military escalation in the Arctic. Throughout the research, writer analyses the case using the defensive realism theory with qualitative method and descriptive research by using literature review. At the end of the research, result is pointing out that the territorial dispute and natural resource are not the main driving factors causing the military escalation. The military escalation is not being used to threat other countries and it is only part of the capabilities fulfillment which has to be done by every country to attain the maximum security and survive within the anarchical international system.]]>
<![CDATA[Isu Kejahatan Perang dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Azerbaijan-Armenia Memperebutkan Nagorno-Karabakh ]]>
<![CDATA[Herlan Febriani]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Satwika Paramasatya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 1, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v1i1.19129
<![CDATA[The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh began with territorial disputes. Nagorno-Karabakh has de facto recognition as Azerbaijan territory, but 95% of its population is Armenian. The relations between both countries continued to tense after a ceasefire in 1994. War crimes issue also affected these two states conflict resolution. This research discusses conflict resolution efforts by Azerbaijan and Armenia and the effect of war crimes issue on their conflict resolution efforts from 2006 to 2015 with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as mediator. This research is carried out by using descriptive-explanative and qualitative method. This study incorporates the framework of Galtung’s triangle conflict theory and conflict resolution concepts to observe the effect of war crimes issue in conflict resolution between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This study found that the war crimes issue which affected the conflict resolution created the unconducive situation for negotiation. Therefore, it is necessary for those parties to build trust and to reaffirm the importance of international law and international humanitarian law enforcement, also putting conscience as the embodiment of a civilized society.]]>
<![CDATA[Usaha Malsindo Trilateral Coordinated Patrol dalam Menangani Perampokan Bersenjata di Selat Malaka ]]>
<![CDATA[Sri Magfirah Indriani Wijaya]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Sheiffi Puspapertiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 3, Nomor 4, Tahun 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v3i4.17854
<![CDATA[The strategic location of the Strait of Malacca makes it one of the busiest straits in the world. The Malacca Strait serves as a channel for the distribution of oil and natural gas as a need for energy security and world trade commodities through the sea. But the high activity in the Strait is not balanced with security guarantees. Therefore, the cooperation of coastal countries is needed to maintain the security of the waters around the Strait of Malacca. Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore formed cooperation to handle armed robbery in Malacca Strait in 2004 named Malsindo. The type of this research is analytic describtive using qualitative method to apply neoliberalism theory. This research is aimed to know the reason measures to combat armed robbery cases in Malacca Strait between 2004-2013. The result of this research finds that measures taken by coastal country to combat armed robbery consists of Malacca Strait Sea Patrol (MSP) which was launched in 2004, Eyes in The Sky (EIS) which was launched in 2005 and MSP-IS in 2006.]]>
<![CDATA[Kepatuhan Negara-Negara ASEAN untuk Tidak Campur Tangan dalam Menangani Persekusi Etnis Rohingya di Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Erizon Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 3, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i3.21046
<![CDATA[Rohingya ethnic persecution case became the focus of the international community,especially ASEAN. The persecution suffered by the Rohingyas included murder, rape andarson. This makes the ASEAN countries are expected to take concrete action in resolvingthis conflict. In carrying out the organizational functions, ASEAN countries collide withthe principle of non-intervention adopted by ASEAN. This study aims to determine theprofile and capacity of ASEAN in addressing the conflicts that occurred in Myanmar. Thisresearch uses compliance theory and international organization in understanding theattitude of ASEAN countries in following up the Rohingya ethnic persecution case. Indealing with the Rohingya crisis, ASEAN was unable to apply strict sanctions as it relatesto the principle of non-intervention which turned out to be a form of resistance for ASEANto be able to resolve the political and security issues strictly. This is what makes theproblem vulnerable to recurrence. The result of this research shows that ASEAN putforward the peaceful road map and third party mediation in resolving conflict. Inaddressing the Rohingya crisis, ASEAN uses other measures and efforts of humanitariandiplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Faktor Penyebab Terjadinya Eksploitasi terhadap Anak Buah Kapal (ABK) Asing di Sektor Perikanan Internasional oleh PT. Pusaka Benjina Resources (PBR) Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Felina Dwiska]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Fendy Eko Wahyudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 1, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v1i1.19139
<![CDATA[In 2015, PT. Pusaka Benjina Resources (PBR) operated in Aru Islands, Maluku, Indonesia has exploited its 1.242 foreign crew members, mainly from Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Indonesia. The crews were exploited in various forms, such as worked for 12-24 hours in a day, being paid under minimum wage, physically tortured and even murder that was proved by the existence of foreign crew members’ graveyard. This research aims to determine factors that causing PBR to commit such exploitation acts. This research uses the theory of Primitive Accumulation from Marxism and theory of Global Value Chain by Gary Gereffi. The method uses for this research is qualitative with explanative type. This research proves that the factors causing PBR to exploit the crews was because the demand of U.S market which also supported by the loophole on its national law, PBR aimed to gain much profit, and the lack of control by the states that involved in PBR’s value chain.]]>
<![CDATA[Hambatan Aksesi Turki ke Uni Eropa ]]>
<![CDATA[Yozar Qohari Bil Ikhsan]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 3, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i3.24165
<![CDATA[Based on political term in the Copenhagen Criteria, European Commission decide the requirements for Accession to European Union which to guarantee and protect Democracy, Human Rights and Minority Rights. Those are supported by the Liberalism perspective on international relation study which explains that regional cooperation and international cooperation can be done if the state can guarantee the enforcement of Democracy and protect the Human Rights included Minority Rights. This research purpose is to find the obstacles of the Turkey accession to European Union using Descriptive-Qualitative analysis method and Liberalism approach. This research result argues that Turkey has done many efforts for qualifying up the requirements to get the Accession to European Union immediately. But in 2010-2016 the European Union appraised Turkey hasn’t done the enforcement of Democracy, Human Rights, and Minority Rights fully yet. Then Turkey accession efforts to the European Union got an obstacle.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH WATER RESOURCES SECTOR ADJUSTMENT LOAN (WATSAL) TERHADAP PEMENUHAN HAK ATAS AIR DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Patria Rizky Ananda]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 5, Nomor 2, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v5i2.23635
<![CDATA[Water Resources Sector Adjustment Loan (WATSAL) was proposed by the World Bank to the Government of Indonesia to overcome the economic crisis of 1997-1998. In order to fulfill the requirements in WATSAL, the Indonesian Government passed Law No. 7 of 2004 concerning Water Resources (Water Resources Law). This law raises pros and cons because it gives the opportunity for the private sector to participate in water resources management (water privatization) which is contrary to Article 33 Paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. This research explain how WATSAL influences on the fulfillment of right to water in Indonesia. In line with that, this research aims to determine the influence of WATSAL on fulfilling the right to water in Indonesia. The researcher uses the type of explanatory research by collecting data from desk research and field research techniques in the period of research in 2004-2015. This research uses the framework of Neo-Marxism thought adopted by Steans and Pettiford. The result of this research shows that WATSAL affects the fulfillment of the right to water in Indonesia. The case study used to support this argument is the existence of the bottled water industry (AQUA Group) which has a role in discriminating against the right to water and causing water sources for the residents around it (Sukabumi and Klaten) to dry up]]>
<![CDATA[KERJASAMA AMERIKA SERIKAT DAN THAILAND DALAM MENANGANI KASUS SLAVERY AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING DI INDUSTRI PERIKANAN THAILAND 2013-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Peri Anda Habeahan]]>;
<![CDATA[Tri Cahyo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 4, Nomor 4, Tahun 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v4i4.22048
<![CDATA[Slavery and Human Trafficking in Thailand is one of a transnational crimes that growing rapidly. According to Interpol data in 2009, this global fenomena is often happen especially in under-developed countries. This case was caused by globalization, broker’s chain, low law enforcement, government involvement in corruption cases that took profit of this humanity crimes. This case had caused the migrants of Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos were sold in order to work in Thailand fishing industry sector. They had physical violence from the boad owner and crew, even among them have became murder victims. Forced kidnap, violence fraud on the boad and port caused all the migrants tried their best to e escape. This case became a challenge for United States as one of Thailand’s partner in seafood export sector. International pressure from media, NGOs and international organizations were concerned on and asked US and Thailand to take decitions and policies. This research is aim to know the cooperation of these two countries in addressing the slavery and human trafficking case in Thailand’s fishing industry in 2013-2017. This research type is descriptive-explanative by qualitative data analysis technique by literature data collection. This research result is explanation of government’s policy of United States and Thailand in addressing the slavery and human trafficking in Thailand, through aid program of USAID and Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) with many program’s implementation, collaboration and cooperation on corruption handling.]]>
