Articles
Bersama Jâvîdân Khirad Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Al-Amin, Ainur Rofiq
ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol 1, No 2 (2007): Islamica
Publisher : Program Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2007.1.2.181-189
On the issue of religious pluralism one may find different currents of thoughtranging from that which rejects it to that which accepts it. A part from this, the issue ofreligious pluralism has also provoked scholars of different backgrounds âMuslim andWestern scholars- to have their say concerning this very important problem. One ofthose scholars is Seyyed Hossein Nasr who proposed what he calls JÄvÄ«dÄn Khirad. Thispaper is destined to explore this concept and the implication that emerges there of.
Demokrasi Perspektif Hizbut Tahrir versus Religious Mardomsalari ala Muslim Iran
al-Amin, Ainur Rofiq
ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol 8, No 1 (2013): Islamica
Publisher : Program Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2013.8.1.28-58
In general, Muslim responses to democracy are threefold. The first is the Muslim group which accepts without reserve the concept of democracy. This group appreciates the discourse of democracy as such without any criticism. The second is the Muslim group which accepts democracy with criticism. This group tries to elaborate democracy which is in line with culture, tradition and religion in a particular country. This group rejects to be dictated by the Western model of democracy. The third is the Muslim group which rejects democracy. This group regards democracy as the source of evil and crimes. One that belongs to the third group is Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). According to HTI, democracy is evil, incompatible with Islam. For this reason, this articles focuses on, first, the factors which lead HTI to reject democracy; second, the reason or Islamic legal construct developed by HTI to reject democracy; and third, religious mardomsalari (religious democracy) practiced in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study is a qualitative research based on the study of texts.
Kritik Pemikiran Khalifah Hizbut Tahrir yang Autokratik
Al Amin, Ainur Rofiq
TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 7 No. 2 (2017): December
Publisher : Program Studi Filsafat Agama Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2017.7.2.434-458
The proponents of Hizbut Tahrir (HT) claim that the structure of HT?s political system has been the sole best system and it is deemed as a single compatible system to deal with all problems faced by the modern people in this modern age. The political system has been claimed as being capable to replace all existing political systems in the world nowadays. They call this political system khil?fah coupled with khal?fah as the central elements. To the proponents of HT, the khil?fah system they promulgate among the Islamic communities throughout the world has been a legacy of the Prophet Muhammad. Therefore, the Muslim communities have to uphold this system regardless of their geographical boundaries. This article seeks to track roots of thought, which provide the political system called khil?fah and khal?fah propagated by HT foundation for its existence. In doing so, I will refer to authoritative references written and published by the proponents of HT. The study finds that the model of election, appointment, impeachment, and power of khal?fah along with obedience upon him leads to autocratic governance.
Kritik Pemikiran Khalifah Hizbut Tahrir yang Autokratik
Ainur Rofiq Al Amin
Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 7 No. 2 (2017): December
Publisher : Department of Aqidah and Islamic Philosophy, Faculty of Ushuluddin and Philosophy, Sunan Ampel State Islamic University Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2017.7.2.434-458
The proponents of Hizbut Tahrir (HT) claim that the structure of HT’s political system has been the sole best system, and it is deemed as a single compatible system to deal with all problems faced by the modern people in this modern age. The political system has been claimed as being capable of replacing all existing political systems in the world nowadays. They call this political system khilāfah coupled with khalīfah as the central elements. To the proponents of HT, the khilāfah system they promulgate among the Islamic communities throughout the world has been a legacy of the Prophet Muhammad. Therefore, the Muslim communities have to uphold this system regardless of their geographical boundaries. This article seeks to track roots of thought, which provide the political system called khilāfah and khalīfah propagated by HT foundation for its existence. In doing so, I will refer to authoritative references written and published by the proponents of HT. The study finds that the model of election, appointment, impeachment, and power of khalīfah along with obedience upon him, leads to autocratic governance.
Bersama Javidan Khirad Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Ainur Rofiq Al-Amin
Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 1 No. 2 (2007): Maret
Publisher : Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2007.1.2.181-189
On the issue of religious pluralism one may find different currents of thoughtranging from that which rejects it to that which accepts it. A part from this, the issue ofreligious pluralism has also provoked scholars of different backgrounds ?Muslim andWestern scholars- to have their say concerning this very important problem. One ofthose scholars is Seyyed Hossein Nasr who proposed what he calls Javidan Khirad. Thispaper is destined to explore this concept and the implication that emerges there of.
Demokrasi Perspektif Hizbut Tahrir versus Religious Mardomsalari ala Muslim Iran
Ainur Rofiq al-Amin
Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 8 No. 1 (2013): September
Publisher : Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia
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DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2013.8.1.28-58
In general, Muslim responses to democracy are threefold. The first is the Muslim group which accepts without reserve the concept of democracy. This group appreciates the discourse of democracy as such without any criticism. The second is the Muslim group which accepts democracy with criticism. This group tries to elaborate democracy which is in line with culture, tradition and religion in a particular country. This group rejects to be dictated by the Western model of democracy. The third is the Muslim group which rejects democracy. This group regards democracy as the source of evil and crimes. One that belongs to the third group is Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). According to HTI, democracy is evil, incompatible with Islam. For this reason, this articles focuses on, first, the factors which lead HTI to reject democracy; second, the reason or Islamic legal construct developed by HTI to reject democracy; and third, religious mardomsalari (religious democracy) practiced in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study is a qualitative research based on the study of texts.
PEMIKIRAN KEBANGSAAN KH A WAHAB CHASBULLAH: PERSPEKTIF FIKIH
Miftakhul Arif;
Ainur Rofiq Al Amin
istinbath Vol 20 No 1 (2021): Juni 2021
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram
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Salah satu pemikir besar berlatar belakang pesantren di Indonesia adalah KH A Wahab Chasbullah. Ia menjumpai dan terlibat langsung dalam proses historis lahirnya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia mulai era kolonialisme, kemerdekaan, hingga kepemimpinan politik orde lama dan orde baru yang selalu diwarnai konflik dan ketegangan. Kajian ini berupaya menelusuri pemikiran kebangsaan KH A Wahab Chasbullah. Dalam analisisnya digunakan pendekatan fikih. Kesimpulan akhir kajian ini menyatakan pemikiran kebangsaan KH A Wahab Chasbullah berakar pada tradisi fikih yang bersumber dari paham keagamaan ahl al-sunnah wa al-jamâ‘ah. Hal itu dapat ditelusuri dari pemikirannya tentang spiritualisasi nasionalisme, relasi kemitraan Islam dan negara, penyelarasan kepentingan agama dan negara, serta pelestarian tradisi dan budaya lokal.
Resiliensi Komunitas Mahasiswa Eks-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia di Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya Pasca-Perppu Nomor 2 Tahun 2017
Almi Novita;
Ainur Rofiq Al-Amin;
Muchammad Helmi Umam
FIKRAH Vol 8, No 2 (2020): December 2020
Publisher : Prodi Aqidah dan Filsafat Islam, Jurusan Ushuluddin, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kudus
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DOI: 10.21043/fikrah.v8i2.7236
Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) was officially disbanded in 2017 by the government accordance with Perppuu No.2 of 2017. The ex-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) did not immediately dissolve their movement, but more massive preaching of Islamic law within the framework of the caliphate in various regions especially on campus. The ex-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia continue to recruit members by conducting various routine studies of Islam, such as the MALKIS study (Study of Exist Sunday Night) which is routinely carried out by the ex-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia student community at UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya. The purpose of this research to know and analyze the development and resilience of the ex-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia student community after was disbanded in the UIN Sunan Ampel campus. This article uses descriptive qualitative research methods to present data and reveal events or facts. The results showed that the resilience of the ex-Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) student community at UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya could rise and come out of a stressful after was disbanded.
The Political Economy of Buzzer Actor Networks in Text Production
Al Amin, Ainur Rofiq;
Fahmi, Muh. Yusrol
The Sunan Ampel Review of Political and Social Sciences Vol. 4 No. 1 (2024): November
Publisher : UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/sarpass.2024.4.1.30-44
This article examines the network built by buzzers in the 2024 Presidential election. The basic assumption is that the buzzer phenomenon is an industry that affects political dynamics. This qualitative research uses network theory to identify the text production process carried out by buzzers, and uses a political economy approach to analyze the relationships formed between buzzers, agencies (buzzer industry) and politicians. Data were collected through interviews and documentation. The findings; first, there are 4 stages in the production of text on social media. This starts from the agency's process of recruiting potential buzzers to create texts according to the agency's framing. Second, the main actors of the buzzer industry are buzzers, agencies and politicians. In this relationship, the dominance of power is owned by the agency as an extension of politicians. The agency controls and encourages a narrative to be created. The first domination is done by politicians to the agency to produce text narratives according to their political interests. Then the agency transforms the interests of politicians or political parties to buzzers. Agencies and politicians are in the same line of interest, namely building a narrative of an interest. The visible relationship between the agency and the buzzer is a relationship between workers and service providers.
Religious Authority Between Lineage and Merit: An Ethnographic Study of Habaib’s Identity Negotiation in Pesantren
Irama, Yoga;
Al Amin, Ainur Rofiq
Journal of Islamic Thought and Philosophy Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): June
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya
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DOI: 10.15642/jitp.2025.4.1.161-179
This study analyzes the process of negotiating the identity and religious authority of the habaib at the Pesantren Sholahuddin in Surabaya. Historically viewed as descendants of the Prophet, the habaib are no longer accepted unconditionally but are continually negotiated based on their knowledge, morals, and social roles. Using a qualitative approach and ethnographic methods—including participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation—the study found that Pesantren Sholahuddin does not rely solely on lineage but also emphasizes scholarly credentials, lineage, and moral integrity. In this negotiation process, there is a dynamic construction of identity and authority, where lineage, scholarly knowledge, and moral character complement and compete with one another. This research makes an important contribution to the study of religious authority and the role of pesantren institutions as spaces for identity negotiation. It also demonstrates that religious leadership in Indonesia is not a monolithic entity but is formed through processes of negotiation and contestation based on multidimensional criteria.