Articles
<![CDATA[DAMPAK PENOLAKAN KONSITUSI UNI EROPA DALAM REFRENDUM DI PERANCIS ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard F. Hutabarat]]>
<![CDATA[ Sociae Polites Vol. 5 No. 23 (2005): Juli-Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Kristen Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.33541/sp.v5i23.509
<![CDATA[Abstrak Suatu revolusi geopolitik sedang terjadi di kawasan Eropa, yaitu unifikasi Eropa. Apa yang disebut sebagai â€United States of Europe†yang baru, memiliki lebih banyak penduduk, perdagangan, kemakmuran, dan lebih banyak suara dalam organisasi internasional. Bahkan konsitusi Eropa yang baru menetapkan motto resmi UE, yaitu “Unity in Diversity†berkenan dengan penolakan publik Perancis dalam referendum mengenai “European Constitutional Treatyâ€, para politisi nasional dan Eropa harus terlibat dalam sautau dialog terbuka dengan rakyat Eropa untuk menjembatani proses integrasi dengan adanya suatu “sense of ownershipâ€. Sementara itu, hasil referendum di Perancis juga telah mengirimkan simbol yang kuat bagi para pemimpin Eropa. “Brusssels†tidak lagi dapat dijadikan kambing hitam bagi kebijakan-kebijakan dalam negeri yang tidak populer. Artikel ini menjelaskan mengapa Eropa menyatakan “no†bagi konsitusi Eropa bulan Mei 2005 lalu, dimana Perancis juga merupakan salah satu negara “the Founding Fathers†dari UE. Dijelaskan juga akar dari krisis yang dialami EU dan kemungkinan-kemungkinan dari “the European Dream†pada masa mendatang. Where the European Union go from here?]]>
<![CDATA[RUSIA DAN INTEGRASI EURASIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard F Hutabarat]]>
<![CDATA[ Cakrawala Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Vol 6 No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana ]]>
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<![CDATA[Russia’s engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia’s integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia’s current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA - INDIA DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Marina Ika Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Leonard F. Hutabarat]]>;
<![CDATA[Amarulla Octavian]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 4, No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Republic of Indonesia Defense University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33172/jp.v4i2.403
<![CDATA[Abstract - This study focuses on defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India in the Indian Ocean. This study used defense diplomacy concept and qualitative method with Soft System Methodology (SSM) and NVivo for the analysis technique. The data was collected through interviews and literature study. The results show that Indian Ocean has become important region in the geopolitic in the 21st century. Indonesia and India view the Indian Ocean as their strategic environment. Diplomatic ties between Indonesia and India have built since 1951 and enhanced with Strategic Partnership open the opportunity for both countries to conduct defense diplomacy in the Indian Ocean. Forms of defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India are through Biennial Defense Minister Forum, Joint Defence Cooperation Committee (JDCC), Navy to Navy Talk, India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol (Ind-Indo Corpat). The defense diplomacy activities aim to improve the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) and the defense capability.]]>
<![CDATA[DIPLOMASI EKONOMI INDONESIA DAN PASAR PROSPEKTIF DI KAWASAN PACIFIC ALLIANCE: STUDI KASUS MEKSIKO DAN CHILE ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard Hutabarat]]>
<![CDATA[ Kajian Asia Pasifik Vol 2 No 2 (2018): Juli - Desember 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations Study Program of Universitas Kristen Indonesia (UKI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.33541/japs.v2i2.806
<![CDATA[This article argues that Indonesian economic diplomacy should consider Mexico and Chile as member of Pacific Alliance in Latin American region as the prospective markets for Indonesia in the future. As emerging economies, these two countries have positive economic projection, population growth and their demand for import products from other region. Based on economic diplomacy concept, Indonesian efforts to negotiate bilateral trade agreements (free trade agreement) or Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Mexico and Chile will be part of longterm strategy to build these countries as two of Indonesian non traditional markets. Keywords : Economic Diplomacy, Pacific Alliance, Mexico, Chile Abstrak Artikel ini berargumen bahwa diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia perlu mempertimbangkan Meksiko dan Chile yang merupakan negara anggota Aliansi Pasifik di kawasan Amerika Latin sebagai pasar prospektif bagi Indonesia pada masa yang akan datang. Sebagai emerging economies, kedua negara ini memiliki proyeksi ekonomi yang positif, pertumbuhan penduduk dan kebutuhannya terhadap produk-produk impor dari kawasan lain. Berdasarkan konsep diplomasi ekonomi, upaya-upaya Indonesia untuk menegosiasikan perjanjian-perjanjian perdagangan bilateralnya (perjanjian perdagangan bebas) atau Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) dengan Meksiko dan Chile akan menjadi bagian dari starategi jangka panjang untuk mengembangkan kedua negara ini sebagai dua pasar non tradisional Indonesia. Kata Kunci : Diplomasi Ekonomi, Aliansi Pasifik, Meksiko, Chile]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Referendum Konstitusi Eropa: "Quo Vadis" Uni Eropa? ]]>
<![CDATA[Hutabarat, Leonard]]>
<![CDATA[ Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 8, No. 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[A geopolitical revolution of historic force is under way across the Atlantic: the unification of Europe. This new "United States of Europe" has more people, more trade, more wealth, and more votes every international body. Europe's new constitution even establishes an official European Unimotto: "United in Diversity". This article will discuss why European vote "no" to the Europe Constitutional Treaty in last May in France as one of the founding fathers of the union. What would be the consequences of French's rejection of the Treaty. Would a "no" vote signal the end of tEuropean integration project? Would a vote against the Constitution be a vote against free-market economics? The article also explains what will be the next possible scenarios and outcomes for "the European dream". Where the European Union go from here?]]>
<![CDATA[ASEM: Instrumen, Diplomasi, Integrasi Regional, dan Pembentukan Rezim ]]>
<![CDATA[Hutabarat, Leonard]]>
<![CDATA[ Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[Is ASEM simply an exercise in summitry, or is it an exercise in region building? Is ASEM a forum for diplomatic niceties, or is it an institution for regime creation? ASEM is more than a summit. It is also more than just a process. Though it is far from developing into a formal organization, it has acquired a certain structure. This article explains three theoretical frameworks that can be used to discuss ASEM and provides three scenarios for ASEM’s future as viewed by the realists, the liberal-institutionalists and the social constructivists. For the realists, ASEM is seen primarily as a result of changes in the distribution of power and the interest calculations of key actors in the ASEM process. Liberal-institutionalists, on the other hand, are inclined to see ASEM as part of the rising trend of regionalism and the increasing reliance on inter-regional forums to cope with the challenges of globalization. Finally, some scholars argued that the East Asia used ASEM as an instrument of regional integration or building a regional identity. This social-constructivist approach emphasizes the process of identity-formation through inter-regional interaction. It also offers a reflection on the possible developments of ASEM, taking into account the nature of current concerns and the future uncertainties surrounding it. ASEM is very much a work in progress. Its future is not yet certain, and its development will certainly be influenced by clusters of factors.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIAN DIPLOMACY OF SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION TO ACHIEVE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS 2030 ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard Hutabarat]]>
<![CDATA[ Sociae Polites Vol. 23 No. 2 (2022): July-December 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Kristen Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.33541/sp.v23i2.4446
<![CDATA[South-South Cooperation has played an important role in encouraging development in various countries through strategic programs, such as training, sending experts, providing grants, scholarships, infrastructure, as well as empowering women. Indonesia as one of the countries that plays an active role as a donor country is expected to increase its role in strengthening Indonesia's position as a new emerging donor so that it can improve Indonesia's image in international forums. Diplomacy carried out by Indonesia is part of a constructivism approach in the study of international relations related to the formation of perceptions and values that Indonesia will share with its cooperation partners. South-South Cooperation is not only part of Indonesia's national priority in The National Medium-Term Development Plan 2020-2024, but also provides benefits as a bridge between the needs of beneficiaries and Indonesia's interests, improves Indonesia's positive image in the region and globally, and is part of Indonesia's economic diplomacy. In the recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic, South-South Cooperation is expected to be a part of development cooperation form that can be one of the instruments for restoring conditions and building back better in achieving the goals of Sustainable Development Goals 2030. Keywords: Diplomacy, Indonesia, South-South Cooperation, Sustainable Development Goals 2030]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Indonesia pada Indo-Pacific Economic Framework ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard Hutabarat]]>
<![CDATA[ Kajian Asia Pasifik Vol 6 No 2 (2022): Juli - Desember 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations Study Program of Universitas Kristen Indonesia (UKI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.33541/japs.v6i2.4557
<![CDATA[Artikel ini menjelaskan bagaimana Indonesia menanggapi inisiatif Presiden Amerika Serikat Joe Biden dalam pembentukan Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) pada tanggal 23 Mei 2022. Terminologi Indo-Pasifik tumbuh dari konstruksi geopolitik kawasan untuk mengakomodasi kepentingan keamanan dan politik internasional. Berbagai strategi konektivitas telah membagi kepentingan berbagai negara dalam inisiatif untuk bekerjasama. Kebutuhan antar negara di kawasan Indo-Pasifik untuk berkolaborasi harus menjadi prioritas bersama, terutama dalam mencegah terjadinya polarisasi di kawasan dan meminimalisasi terjadinya konflik terbuka antara negara adidaya beserta sekutunya. Aspek geopolitik dan geostrategis harus disikapi secara rasional oleh Indonesia. Artikel ini bermanfaat bagi pemangku kepengtingan (stakeholders) di Indonesia dalam melihat inisiatif Amerika Serikat dalam berbagai dimensi kepentingan yang lebih luas. Kebijakan luar negeri dan diplomasi Indonesia terhadap IPEF dapat dilihat dari perspektif konstruktivisme dalam studi hubungan internasional. Tulisan ini didasarkan pada metode kualitatif dengan menjelaskan kepentingan terkait pilar yang ditawarkan AS dalam IPEF. Berdasarkan kepentingan nasional Indonesia, diplomasi yang dilakukan bersifat strategis dalam upaya untuk melakukan perimbangan kepentingan (balance of interests) kerja sama ekonomi antara Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok, keterlibatan dalam pembentukan policy framework dan norms setting atau cooperative mechanism bagi negara berkembang di kawasan, serta upaya untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan sentralitas ASEAN sesuai ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific (AOIP).]]>
<![CDATA[Pelatihan Penggunaan Teknologi Komunikasi dan Pembuatan Content Marketing Pada Asosiasi Homestay Manggarai Barat (ASIHOM MABAR) di Labuan Bajo, Nusa Tenggara Timur ]]>
<![CDATA[Marshelia Gloria Marida]]>;
<![CDATA[Angel Damayanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Leonard Felix Hutabarat]]>;
<![CDATA[Andaru Satnyoto]]>;
<![CDATA[Roseven Rudiyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Septian Hutagalung]]>
<![CDATA[ BERNAS: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Vol. 4 No. 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Majalengka ]]>
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DOI: 10.31949/jb.v4i2.4876
<![CDATA[Labuan Bajo telah ditetapkan sebagai destinasi wisata premium, namun tidak diikuti dengan kemampuan penggunaan teknologi komunikasi dan pembuatan content marketing dari pengelola homestay di Labuan Bajo sehingga pemasaran terhadap homestay di Labun Bajo melalui media sosial belum maksimal. Tim Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (PkM) Fisipol UKI bekerja sama dengan dua dosen Politeknik eLBajo Commodus berinisiatif untuk mengadakan pelatihan kepada Asosiasi Homestay Manggarai Barat (ASIHOM MABAR). Peserta mendapatkan materi tutorial pembuatan konten yang menarik, praktik langsung cara pengambilan foto dan video, pengenalan fitur-fitur dalam media sosial TikTok, praktik langsung penggunaan aplikasi edit foto dan video dan pelatihan cara membuat konten dapat dilihat oleh banyak pengguna media sosial. Hasil pelatihan ini adalah terdapatnya kenaikan nilai yang signifikan dari hasil pre test sebesar 63 menjadi 93 pada hasil post test yang diisi oleh peserta. Nilai tersebut menunjukkan terdapat peningkatan kemampuan peserta terkait penggunaan teknologi komunikasi, content marketing dan pelayanan prima dari sebelum mengikuti pelatihan dan setelah mengikuti pelatihan. Setelah pelatihan ini berakhir, pemateri juga tetap membuka komunikasi dengan peserta dan membantu peserta menghasilkan content marketing untuk pemasaran homestay mereka di media sosial. Komunikasi antara pemateri dengan peserta tetap terjalin melalui media sosial whatsapp]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia dalam Kerja Sama Selatan-Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Leonard Felix Hutabarat]]>;
<![CDATA[Angel Damayanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n2.3
<![CDATA[South-South Cooperation has played an important role in encouraging development in various countries through strategic programs, such as training, sending experts, providing grants, scholarships, infrastructure, as well as empowering women. Indonesia as one of the countries that plays an active role as a donor country is expected to increase its role in strengthening Indonesia's position as a new emerging donor so that it can improve Indonesia's image in international forums. Diplomacy carried out by Indonesia is part of a constructivism approach in the study of international relations related to the formation of perceptions and values that Indonesia will share with its cooperation partners. South-South Cooperation is not only part of Indonesia's national priority in The National Medium-Term Development Plan 2020-2024, but also provides benefits as a bridge between the needs of beneficiaries and Indonesia's interests, improves Indonesia's positive image in the region and globally, and is part of Indonesia's economic diplomacy. In the recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic, South-South Cooperation is expected to be a part of development cooperation form that can be one of the instruments for restoring conditions and building back better in achieving the goals of SDGs 2030.]]>
