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Islam and the Struggle for Religious Pluralism in Indonesia: A Political Reading of the Religious Thought of Mukti Ali Munhanif, Ali
Studia Islamika Vol 3, No 1 (1996): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Problems of inter-religious dialogue is one of the important discourse in the development of religious thought in modern Indonesia. One of the leading Muslim intellectuals seoran put a great interest in the discourse of religious thought is Prof. HA Mukti Ali, former Minister of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, which has served as Rector of IAIN Yogyakarta.In the view of many people, known as Mukti Ali Muslim leaders who have diverse Islamic thought. He, set in the traditional students and the cast of revivalist organization, Muhammadiyah is the pioneer of Comparative Studies of Religion in Indonesia. He is also known as the man who chose the problem of inter-religious dialogue in Indonesia as 'immortal work' throughout his life. Equally important, Mukti Ali is an Indonesian Religious Affairs Minister re-orientation is important in the political-religious wisdom in the New Order.DOI:Â 10.15408/sdi.v3i1.814

Al-Shawkah al-SiyÄsÄ«yah li al-AfkÄr al-DÄ«nÄ«yah: Al-á¸¤arakah al-TajdÄ«dÄ«yah al-IslÄmÄ«yah wa al-á¹arÄ«q ilÃ¡ Nuqá¹at IltiqÄâ€™ al-IslÄm wa al-Dawlah Munhanif, Ali
Studia Islamika Vol 22, No 1 (2015): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v1i1.1389

The article describes the transformation process of political Islam in Indonesia. Focusing on the early development period of the New Order regime, the paper seeks to examine how the period of intense conflict between Islamic political movements and the State was successfully resolved in the political arena. The conflicts developed at the beginning of independence. In 1966 the emergence of the New Order regime prevailed because of the military. The New Order marked the beginning of extensive efforts to stabilize the Indonesian political order and to find solutions for the problems of religious politics. Leaders and figures of the Islamic movements responded vehemently to the process as they sought to resolve the conflicts between Islam and the State. The modernization of Islamic thought in the 1970s marked an important moment for the search of alternatives. The modernization movement inspired a wide variety of accommodative policies within the New Order for religious agendas that were incorporated into the State political structure. The result is that the elements of an â€œIslamic stateâ€ could be implemented within the State institutions, without changing the national constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.DOI:Â 10.15408/sdi.v22i1.1389

Lineages of Islamic Extremism in Egypt: Ikhwan al-Muslimun, State Violence and the Origins of Radical Politics Ali Munhanif; M. Dahlan
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 56, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2018.562.421-460

This article examines why an Islamic organization appeal into radical behavior? Focusing on Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) and its splinter groups in Egypt, this article seeks to highlight historical-institutional underpinnings of when and how political Islam faced obstacles to enter pragmatic politics. Political experiences of the IM in the 1950s and the institutional structures created by Nasser’s regime in the early 1960s have shaped a condition of uncertainty that constrained Islamist activists to twart moderation. Islamist thinkers such as Sayyid Qutb exploited the fear of Nasserism and new emerging state institutions, to convince many members that they were threatened by the current regime. Initiatives to embrace radical ideology and actions have become dominant frameworks in the IM. The extent to which this radical ideology may develop is not only because of these institutional constraints, but also because of the absence of pragmatic-minded leaders who appealed with non-violence ideas to integrate Islamic agenda in institutional opportunities. [Tulisan ini membahas organisasi Islam yang cenderung menjadi radikal, studi kasus Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) dan pecahannya di Mesir, dengan mengulas secara organisasional historis disaat Islam politik tersebut mendapat rintangan ketika memasuki politik praktis. Pengalaman politik IM tahun 1950an dan 1960an saat dibawah rezim Nasser telah membawa ketidakpastian dan yang menyebabkan para aktifis menjauhi sikap moderat. Seorang Sayyid Qutb pun mengangkat ketakutan pada kekuasaan rezim Nasser untuk meyakinkan massa pada sebuah ancaman baru. Cara berpikir dan bertindak radikal telah menjadi pilihan yang dominan bagi anggota IM. Kesuburan paham radikal tersebut dimungkinkan karena tidak hanya adanya tekanan organisasional, tetapi juga tiadanya tokoh politik yang mendorong pendekatan non kekerasan dalam integrasikan agenda politik dengan peluang organisasioanal.]

‘Ties that would Divide’: Explaining the NU’s Exit from Masyumi in 1952 Ali Munhanif
Studia Islamika Vol 19, No 2 (2012): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

This article explains the political and historical roots of the making of Muslim political identities in Indonesia. It seeks to answer the question: why Muslim communities in Indonesia are inclined to grouping in such social differences between traditionalist (NU) and modernist (Muhammadiyah) organizations. These two organizations emerged as a model of social division based on religio-cultural groupings of Indonesian Muslims that emerged during the process of national identity construction in the late colonial period. Concerned with the historical development of Islamic organizations in the post-independent Indonesia, this article specifically examines the role of Masyumi in creating both unity and conflict in Muslim society, which occurred in the 1950s. However, this article’s principal explanation for the emergence of Muslim cleavages is the subsequent moment of elite conflict in response to the most important political development in Indonesia: the first national elections in 1955.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v19i2.363

Islam, Ethnicity and Secession: Forms of Cultural Mobilization in Aceh Rebellions Ali Munhanif
Studia Islamika Vol 23, No 1 (2016): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v23i1.2659

This article explains the appeal of two different remarkable forms of cultural mobilization within the Aceh secessionist movement. The first form is the emergence of the Darul Islam (DI) rebellion in the 1950s; and the second is the rise of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) during the 1980s and 1990s. Recent trends in Aceh’s political dynamics pose a striking puzzle as to how the institutional arrangements created by the government of Aceh have complicated the political dimensions of GAM. Some institutions have shaped new patterns of Aceh-Jakarta relations, but others represent a revitalization of the previous Aceh-Islamic state rebellion under DI/TII. What are the likely causes for the re-emergence of Islam coming to the center stage of Aceh politics? This article argues that the primary forces that have driven these variations in the two periods of rebellion were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunity for cultural mobilization at a particular institutional juncture. Secessionist ideologies such as those in Aceh are shaped and mediated by the institutional context in which they manifest.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v23i1.2659

The Khittah of 1926 Reexamined: Views of the NU in Post-Cipasung Congress Ali Munhanif
Studia Islamika Vol 3, No 2 (1996): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v3i2.808

When established in 1926 in Surabaya, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is meant as an organization of scholars engaged in the field of socio-religious. Concentration struggles and activities of the organization was shaped in the development of the Indonesian Muslim community in the socio-cultural field such as education, teaching, health care, and economic development of the people. In this framework, then, the scholars and leaders of this organization to formulate a vision NU known as Khittah 1926. After a long period gait for NU deviate from Khittah as outlined, to enter the world of practical politics - join Masjumi, became NU party, the PPP fuse - at Muktamarnya 27th in Situbondo, 1984, KH duet. And KH Abdurrahman Wahid. Ahmad Siddiq managed to bring NU back to Khittah 1926. Decision was meant to remove themselves from the bondage of practical politics and prioritize the development of the Indonesian Muslim community culturally.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v3i2.808

Imperialism and the Rhetoric of the Threat: Islamic Fundamentalism in Western Scholarship Ali Munhanif
Refleksi Vol 2, No 2 (2000): Refleksi
Publisher : Faculty of Ushuluddin Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

The way in which Western scholars understand the nature of religion and the relationship of religion to politics and society greatly determine their expectations and judgements.

RELIGION AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA AND MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA Ali Munhanif; Yuli Yasin
ILMU USHULUDDIN Vol. 9, No. 1, July 2022
Publisher : Himpunan Peminat Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin (HIPIUS)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/iu.v9i1.32065

The rise of religious nationalism in recent decades in developing countries has sparked attention among scholars. This article seeks to explore the political and cultural dynamics of the contemporary resurgence of religious nationalism, many of them reflected in Hindu nationalist in India and Muslim nationalist in Indonesia. We address the following question: What are the likely factors for religious-nationalist movements coming to the center stage of nation-state politics? Using the historical-institutional approach to religious politics, we argue that the forces that have driven the resurgence of religious nationalist were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunities for change – in a certain period of political crisis. Embedded in the issues of the institutional challenge is another series of questions that this article will address. There are variations in how and when religious-nationalist politics emerged. Why, for example, did the rise of religious politics occur in such varying ways, for instance, through a political party in India and civil society movements in Indonesia? Why did regimes or governments that promoted secular ideologies in India and Indonesia lose their hegemonic position? The answers to these questions are also largely historical-institutional. By focusing on how political institutions shape political dynamics, we suggest that institutions shape social and political outcomes, they necessarily affect people’s behavior as reflected in the politics of religious nationalism.

RELIGION AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA AND MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA Ali Munhanif; Yuli Yasin
ILMU USHULUDDIN Vol. 9, No. 1, July 2022
Publisher : Peminat Ilmu Ushuluddin

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/iu.v9i1.32065

The rise of religious nationalism in recent decades in developing countries has sparked attention among scholars. This article seeks to explore the political and cultural dynamics of the contemporary resurgence of religious nationalism, many of them reflected in Hindu nationalist in India and Muslim nationalist in Indonesia. We address the following question: What are the likely factors for religious-nationalist movements coming to the center stage of nation-state politics? Using the historical-institutional approach to religious politics, we argue that the forces that have driven the resurgence of religious nationalist were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunities for change – in a certain period of political crisis. Embedded in the issues of the institutional challenge is another series of questions that this article will address. There are variations in how and when religious-nationalist politics emerged. Why, for example, did the rise of religious politics occur in such varying ways, for instance, through a political party in India and civil society movements in Indonesia? Why did regimes or governments that promoted secular ideologies in India and Indonesia lose their hegemonic position? The answers to these questions are also largely historical-institutional. By focusing on how political institutions shape political dynamics, we suggest that institutions shape social and political outcomes, they necessarily affect people’s behavior as reflected in the politics of religious nationalism.

Islamic Populism and Symbolic Convergence in the 2019 Presidential Election Muhtar, Saepudin; Burhanuddin, Jajat; Munhanif, Ali; Heryanto, Gun Gun
JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA Vol 14, No 1 (2024)
Publisher : Graduate School of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jii.v14i1.39926

This research reveals that both candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election engaged in Islamic populist movements in an attempt to garner sympathy and increase their respective electability. The symbolic convergence of Prabowo's campaign is evident in the institutional nature of the fantasy theme woven by his team, with actions that signify the fundamentalism of Prabowo's camp. In contrast, the fantasy theme constructed by Jokowi's team is notably moderate, as exemplified by the phrase "Jokowi Loves Santri," which gave rise to the narrative that Jokowi is a moderate figure. Consequently, a shared rhetorical vision was formed, positioning Jokowi as a moderate individual, with his disseminators acting more individually, unlike Prabowo's camp, which often coalitions with Islamic mass bases.

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