Articles
<![CDATA[Implikasi Perjanjian Damai Terhadap Aksi Intifadah Hamas ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Gustri Eni]]>
<![CDATA[ Politea Vol 3, No 1 (2020): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Kudus ]]>
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DOI: 10.21043/politea.v3i1.7502
<![CDATA[Â This study aims to explain how the implications of the peace agreement as Israel's strategy in reducing the Hamas intifadah action. The discussion in this study is limited to the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO known as the 1993 Declaration of Principles and the intifadah movement in 1987. This research is a qualitative study with a literature study through books, journals, and articles. This study is based on thinking which explains that as a rational actor, the state in taking foreign policy always calculates the cost and benefit. In its foreign policy, the ruling government uses the "optimization of results" criteria. Or in other words, Israel's foreign policy focuses on emphasizing the country's national interests. This rationale influenced Israel's foreign policy, which was to accept a peace agreement with the PLO to reduce the intifadah movement carried out by Hamas. And this policy provides optimal results for the state of Israel.]]>
<![CDATA[PANDANGAN POLITIK MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD STUDI KASUS : HUBUNGAN IRAN-AMERIKA SERIKAT (2005-2009) ]]>
<![CDATA[Gustri Eni Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 1, No 2 (2016): Dauliyah (Journal of Islamic and International Affairs) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v1i2.598
<![CDATA[This research is intended to analyze how Ahmadinejad’s political view affects U.S.-Iran relations in 2005-2009 and how such a view has been constructed. This research is also based on the idea that an individual, in this case is the leader, is the factor distinguishing the results of the foreign policies. U.S.-Iran relation, which was getting better, was worsened under Ahmadinejad’s administration. His political decision is resulted from his political view. Indeed, his political view has something to do with the view framing process. The process of framing Ahmadinejad’s political view is closely related to his life and political experiences.]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA ARAB SAUDI TERHADAP ORGANISASI KERJA SAMA ISLAM DALAM MENYELESAIKAN KONFLIK IRAN DAN ARAB SAUDI TAHUN 2013-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Emil Hikmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Gustri Eni Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs Vol 3, No 2 (2018): DAULIYAH (JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v3i2.2504
<![CDATA[Middle East region can be realized as region which is susceptible with conflict. The conflict in Middle East which is increasingly needed constructive and sustainable effort in order to reduce a conflict potential. The problem that concern of international community is conflict involving Iran and Saudi Arabia after death penalty to Syekh Nimr Al-Nimr by Saudi Arabia government. Firstly, conflict that happened between Saudi Arabia and Iran caused by sectarianism dimension that’s mean Sunni and Shi’ah rivalry in Middle East. Then, sectarianism dimension can evolve into geopolitical competition that Saudi Arabia and Iran’s implication in Syria, Iraq and Yemen conflict. Therefore, Middle East conflict requires a peace settlement. Furthermore, the author who takes as Saudi Arabia government in order to solve Saudi Arabia and Iran conflict more likely using Islamic Cooperation Organization (OIC) involvement. Moreover, the author argue that OIC can be conflict resolution agent and Saudi Arabia has affected an OIC. On one hand, the Saudi Arabia was influencing an OIC as the largest country that invest a fund and his domination in OIC structure itself. Therefore, through his influence, Saudi Arabia more profited than military approach. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia has also utilized an OIC as instrument to gain its national interest such as to repress Iran’s influence in Middle East]]>
<![CDATA[PENYULUHAN PARENTING MELALUI KOMUNITAS ARSA SEBAGAI UPAYA PENGUATAN KETAHANAN KELUARGA PADA WARGA DUSUN MANONGSARI DAN DUSUN PATUK KABUPATEN SLEMAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Hazhira Qudsyi]]>;
<![CDATA[Fani Eka Nurtjahjo]]>;
<![CDATA[Gustrieni Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ ABDIMAS UNWAHAS Vol 7, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Wahid Hasyim Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.31942/abd.v7i2.7504
<![CDATA[Program ini dilatarbelakangi oleh masih banyaknya permasalahan yang terjadi pada keluarga di Dusun Manongsari dan Dusun Patuk. Dalam interaksi sehari-hari antara orangtua dengan anak, pola-pola komunikasi yang digunakan orangtua masih banyak berupa instruksi searah dan menggunakan hukuman fisik sebagai bentuk pembelajaran konsekuensi kepada anak. Selain hukuman fisik, sebagian orangtua juga masih menggunakan ancaman kepada anak agar perintahnya ditaati. Orangtua juga kurang terlibat dalam aktivitas menyenangkan bersama anak. Mendidik anak dipersepsi sama dengan merawat dan memberi nafkah lahir pada anak. Hal ini sebenarnya menandakan sebagian orangtua ini tidak memahami pentingnya keteladanan dan transfer nilai-nilai luhur yang menjadi kewajiban orangtua kepada anak. Atas dasar hal tersebut, kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat di sini berfokus pada program untuk membantu orang tua memahami cara pengasuhan yang baik. Oleh karena itu, program utama yang diselenggarakan pada pengabdian ini adalah dengan memberikan penyuluhan mengenai parenting yang terbagi dalam beberapa topik. Respons yang diberikan warga terhadap kegiatan pengabdian ini sangat positif, dimana hal ini tampak dalam keterlibatan warga di kegiatan penyuluhan yang diselenggarakan. Selain itu, warga menyampaikan bahwa adanya kegiatan penyuluhan parenting ini sangat membantu warga untuk dapat memahami ilmu pengasuhan yang mana hal tersebut tidak didapatkan warga di bangku sekolah.Kata kunci: ketahanan keluarga, peran komunal, pengasuhan]]>
<![CDATA[State repression on the Islamic political opposition in Indonesia in the period of 2017-2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasbi Aswar]]>;
<![CDATA[Gustrieni Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Communications in Humanities and Social Sciences Vol. 2 No. 2 (2022): CHSS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Komunitas Ilmuwan dan Profesional Muslim Indonesia (KIPMI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.21924/chss.2.2.2022.32
<![CDATA[Repressive approach is one of the state's responses to social movements taken to restrain or limit the action of a movement that always strives for a social change process in society. In this context, Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam – FPI) are two Islamic groups that recently after 2016 have been active in pressuring the government on various political issues. The government responded to these two groups with repressive measures such as stigmatization, criminalization, and dissolving or banning the organization. This study aims to discuss the details of government policies in responding to both HTI and FPI in Indonesia using comparative analysis by collecting secondary data from the media, books, and journals relevant with this study. This study found that the Indonesian government has used various means to repress HTI and FPI, such as intimidation, stigmatization, and disbandment to the organizations.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Indonesia terhadap Singapura Dalam Pengambilalihan Pelayanan Ruang Udara di Atas Wilayah Kepulauan Riau Dan Natuna 2015-2022 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wiguna, Arya Raditya]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri, Gustrieni]]>
<![CDATA[ Kajian Hubungan Internasional Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences - Universitas Wahid Hasyim ]]>
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DOI: 10.31942/khi.2023.2.2.10198
<![CDATA[Singapura telah menguasai pelayanan ruang udara (FIR) di atas wilayah Kepulauan Riau dan Natuna sejak tahun 1946, dimana wilayah tersebut merupakan wilayah teritorial Indonesia. Setelah Indonesia merdeka, Indonesia mulai untuk menata kembali FIR Singapura di kawasan Kepulauan Riau hingga Natuna. Berbagai upaya diplomasi yang dijalankan oleh Indonesia melalui forum Regional Aviation Navigation (RAN). Diplomasi yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia pada saat itu belum berhasil, sehingga dewan pemimpin sidang yang pada saat itu ICAO menyarankan melalui penyelesaian bilateral. Namun, penyelesaian secara bilateral masih belum membuahkan hasil bagi Indonesia, pada tahun 1996 Indonesia justru mendelegasikan pelayanan navigasi udaranya kepada Singapura. Tidak berhenti begitu saja, upaya Indonesia untuk pengambilalihan FIR Singapura dengan membentuk Undang Undang No.1 Tahun 2009 sebagai landasan hukum penerbangan Indonesia. Pada tahun 2022 lalu, status quo kepemilikan FIR Singapura di atas wilayah udara Kepulauan Riau menjadi FIR Jakarta. Keberhasilan ini merupakan upaya diplomasi yang dilakukan Presiden Jokowi selama masa pemerintahannya. Diplomasi yang dimulai dari tahun 2015 hingga tercapainya perjanjian kesepakatan FIR pada tahun 2022 telah berhasil dilakukan oleh Pemerintahan Presiden Jokowi. Dalam penelitian ini bermaksud untuk menjawab langkah-langkah diplomasi yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Indonesia 2015-2022, berdasarkan pada tiga tahap diplomasi menurut teori dari G.R. Berridge.]]>
<![CDATA[Overcoming The Food Crisis In Afghanistan By Implementing The World Food Programme's Policy For 2018-2022 ]]>
<![CDATA[Maudina Venny]]>;
<![CDATA[gustri eni putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 2 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, Oktober, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
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DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.10026176
<![CDATA[Krisis pangan di Afghanistan yang sudah berlangsung sangat lama hingga memuncak pada tahun 2018, sehingga memerlukan peran organisasi internasional untuk menekan angka kelaparan negara Afghanistan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implementasi kebijakan World Food Programme dalam mengatasi krisis pangan di Afghanistan pada tahun 2018-2022 dengan menggunakan konsep implementasi organisasi internasional melalui pendekatan manajemen dengan beberapa metode, yaitu melakukan pengawasan melalui berbagai aktor, bekerja sama dengan berbagai aktor, membantu negara dalam mengembangkan kapasitas, serta memberikan bantuan teknis dan keuangan kepada Afghanistan, untuk menjabarkan implementasi kebijakan WFP di Afghanistan.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementation Of the Un Women's Policy To Address Gender Inequalities Against Women In Nigeria 2016-2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Aulia Tiara Rizki]]>;
<![CDATA[gustri eni putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 6 No. 2 (2023): Jisiera Volume 6, Oktober, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
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DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.10023731
<![CDATA[Ketidaksetraan gender telah menjadi salah satu agenda pembahasan nasional di Nigeria dengan perempuan yang menjadi tokoh yang paling rentan. Di tahun 2016 Nigeria mengalami peningkatan kasus ketidaksetaraan gender, terutama di sektor ekonomi dan politik. Dinamika ketidaksetraan gender yang dirasakan oleh perempuan di Nigeria terus berlanjut ketika di tahun 2020 pandemi COVID-19 melanda seluruh dunia yang menyebabkan persoalan baru termasuk di Nigeria. Tantangan yang dihadapi oleh perempuan Nigeria semakin kompleks, namun secara perlahan di tahun yang sama mulai terbentuk beberapa gerakan aksi perempuan di Nigeria. Di tambah implementasi program unggulan dari UN Women memberikan beberapa peluang baru bagi perempuan Nigeria, terutama di sektor ekonomi dan politik. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat sejauh mana implementasi UN Women dalam mengatasi ketidaksetraan gender terhadap perempuan di Nigeria tahun 2016-2020. Dalam penelitian ini diperoleh bahwa implementasi kebijakan UN Women dalam mengatasi ketidaksetaraan gender terhadap perempuan di Nigeria telah memberikan peluang dan ruang kepada perempuan Nigeria untuk terlibat berpatisipasi dengan melalui beberapa cara, yaitu melalui pemberian bantuan keuangan hingga teknis, kerja sama dengan aktor NGO hingga pemerintah dan masyarakat sipil. Kata Kunci : Nigeria, UN Women, Impelementasi, Kebijakan, Ketidaksetaraan gender]]>
<![CDATA[Implementation of Protection for Indonesian Migrant Workers in Malaysia in 2022-2023 ]]>
<![CDATA[Gustri Eni Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Dauliyah: Journal of Islam and International Affairs Vol. 10 No. 1 (2025): Dauliyah : Journal of Islam and International Affairs ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIDA Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/dauliyah.v10i1.13904
<![CDATA[Malaysia is the main destination country for Indonesian migrant workers. However, violence and discrimination often befall them. In response to this, Indonesia then issued a policy to protect Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia in 2022 in the hope that this could be a solution to this problem. This policy was then implemented through a cooperation scheme with Malaysia as a receiving country for Indonesian migrant workers. This research uses the concept Policy Implementation Marilee S. Grindle as a framework for thinking. The result that was obtained was that this policy could not be implemented optimally due to violations committed by Malaysia and the still high rate of violence and discrimination that befell Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia in 2022-2023.]]>
<![CDATA[BBBP POLICY AS A HOLISTIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NARENDRA MODI GOVERNMENT IN OPTIMISING WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT IN INDIA 2015 - 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Widyaputri, Primadiani Difida]]>;
<![CDATA[putri, gustri eni]]>
<![CDATA[ Jisiera: The Journal of Islamic Studies and International Relations Vol. 7 No. 2 (2024): Jisiera Volume 7, Oktober, 2024 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (Insiera) ]]>
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DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.13955218
<![CDATA[Women empowerment is an attempt to provide power, choice and freedom for women to optimize their potential. At the national level, empowering women requires collective participation between the state as the highest political entity and society as the implementer of women empowerment. India, as a developing country in South Asia, is a country that is seeking to optimize women empowerment through holistic, multi-sector development policies that are capable of having a significant impact on the country's development. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi in his first term, a policy emerged called Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (BBBP) as a bridge in actualizing women's empowerment in India. The efforts contained in this policy are economic development through empowering abilities to increase economic growth (economically productive), providing guidance on women's participation in the public sphere, guaranteeing women's representation in the world of politics, as well as a culture of mainstreaming women in other sectors. Through the strategies made by Narendra Modi, women are given strength and guarantees from the state to fulfill their personal needs (self-sufficiency).]]>
