Articles
<![CDATA[Institusionalisasi Partai Aceh: Patronase dan Konsolidasi dalam Transisi Demokrasi Pasca Konflik ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>
<![CDATA[ GOVERNMENT : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Volume 9 Nomor 2, Juli 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Fisip Unhas ]]>
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<![CDATA[AbstractIn a democratic transition in post-conflict areas, the institutionalization of political party influÂence on the consolidation of the party so the impact on the realization of a political strategy. This paper wants to describe the patterns used in the process of institutionalization of the Aceh Party as a local political party in Aceh, where there is a transformation from insurgents to the political parties as well as the achievement of the consolidation of the party. This paper conÂcludes that the party born from a guerrilla movement requires a pattern of patronage to save his authority on the realization of democratic politics in the post-conflict era. It is considered esÂsential to achieve the consolidation of the party both in internal and external (read: constituent) party. Keywords: institutionalization, party politics, patronage, consolidation AbstrakDalam transisi demokrasi di daerah pasca konflik, pelembagaan partai politik sangat berÂpengaruh terhadap konsolidasi partai sehingga berdampak pada realisasi strategi politik. TuliÂsan ini ingin menggambarkan pola yang digunakan dalam proses institusionalisasi Partai Aceh sebagai partai politik lokal di Aceh, dimana terjadi transformasi dari gerilyawan ke partai politik serta pencapaian konsolidasi partai. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa partai yang lahir dari gerakan gerilya membutuhkan pola patronase untuk menyelamatkan otoritasnya pada realiasi politik di era demokrasi pasca konflik. Hal ini dianggap penting untuk mencapai konsolidasi parÂtai baik di internal maupun eksternal (baca:konstituen) partai.Kata kunci: institusionalisasi, partai politik, patronase, konsolidasi]]>
<![CDATA[Incumbency Disadvantages and Populism in Indonesian Local Elections: Case Studies of Banda Aceh and Takalar ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurlinah, Nurlinah]]>;
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Haryanto, Haryanto]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 7, No 1 (2019): PCD Journal Vol 7 No.1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.35230
<![CDATA[This article seeks to contribute an understanding of how populism informs incumbency disadvantages in elections. Incumbency has been seen as highly beneficial in elections, and many studies have found that incumbent candidates enjoy significant access to resources with which they can campaign. This article, however, finds a different reality, with incumbents in Banda Aceh and Takalar experiencing electoral defeat. In both areas, extensive field studies before and after the local elections found that incumbents’ unwillingness to adopt a populist approach during their terms influenced voters’ choices. The main argument of this article is that, in Indonesia’s local democracies, incumbency has created space for varied models of populism, including the communitarian populism found in Aceh and Takalar. Such populism has emerged from specific socio-cultural contexts at the local level that have shaped voters’ preferences. The socio-cultural context of communal societies such as Aceh and Takalar has informed the truth value through which elites, policies, and phenomena are judged. Ultimately, this communitarian populism cannot be separated from the public’s desires for elections. These two cases offer a profile of how communitarian societies respond to and shape local populism in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[PENDIDIKAN DAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK DALAM MASYARAKAT KOMUNITARIAN DI ACEH SINGKIL ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Lidya, Lidya]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science Vol 4 No 2 (2019): Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Pemerintahan ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/jai.v4i2.456
<![CDATA[Community Education Levels in 3 Villages namely: Gosong East Telaga Village, Ketapang Indah Village, Kampung Baru Village in North Singkil District, Aceh Singkil District are very low, but the level of participation in the direct election of the Village Head in North Singkil District is high. The high voter turnout reaches 60%, while the low voters value 40%. The high level of electoral participation generated by the participation of low-educated people involved with contributions and elections during the Direct Election of the Village Head. This paper wants to explain about the communitarian culture that is very strong in society so that it encourages politics for a sense of family, and encourages people to vote not because of rationality. Thus there was no education participation in the number of community participation in the village head election in 3 Singkil Utara Sub-Districts, Aceh Singkil District.]]>
<![CDATA[PILKADA ACEH 2017: INKONSISTENSI PARTAI POLITIK DAN IDE PEMILU SERENTAK LEGISLATIF-EKSEKUTIF ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramadani, Ismar]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science Vol 5 No 2 (2020): Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Pemerintahan ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/jai.v5i2.547
<![CDATA[The plan to hold simultaneous regional and national elections is an attempt to minimize the political party's inconsistencies and strengthen political parties in modern democracies. Political parties have a role not only to be the vote-seeking party and the office-seeking party but also to the policy seeking party. So it is very important to maintain professionalism through a harmonious relationship between the legislative-executive in the policy sphere. However, the 2017 Aceh Regional Election actually shows a number of things related to the portrait of a weakened political party that has an impact on the professionalism of the legislative-executive relationship during the administration. Based on these considerations, this paper will explain several things. First, factionalization of political parties ahead of the elections. Second, the phenomenon of parties who prefer to become a party supporting compared to the party supporting the elections, and Third, the phenomenon of the party and the opportunist elite. From these problems, local and national simultaneous elections are a necessity for the maturity of Indonesian political parties. If the national election is held for a difference of 2.5 years compared to local elections, this can affect the political map of the legislative-executive level from national to local. The idea of ​​a simultaneously local and national legislative-executive election mechanism carried out per 2.5 years will have an impact on two things: First, reducing the chance of factionalizing political parties. Second, to reduce the number of parties in parliament that not only strengthen the presidential system in parliament, but also the harmonization of governance at the regional level.]]>
<![CDATA[Institusionalisasi Partai Aceh: Patronase dan Konsolidasi dalam Transisi Demokrasi Pasca Konflik ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizkika Lhena Darwin]]>
<![CDATA[ GOVERNMENT : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Volume 9 Nomor 2, Juli 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Pemerintahan Fisip Unhas ]]>
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<![CDATA[AbstractIn a democratic transition in post-conflict areas, the institutionalization of political party influence on the consolidation of the party so the impact on the realization of a political strategy. This paper wants to describe the patterns used in the process of institutionalization of the Aceh Party as a local political party in Aceh, where there is a transformation from insurgents to the political parties as well as the achievement of the consolidation of the party. This paper concludes that the party born from a guerrilla movement requires a pattern of patronage to save his authority on the realization of democratic politics in the post-conflict era. It is considered essential to achieve the consolidation of the party both in internal and external (read: constituent) party. Keywords: institutionalization, party politics, patronage, consolidation AbstrakDalam transisi demokrasi di daerah pasca konflik, pelembagaan partai politik sangat berpengaruh terhadap konsolidasi partai sehingga berdampak pada realisasi strategi politik. Tulisan ini ingin menggambarkan pola yang digunakan dalam proses institusionalisasi Partai Aceh sebagai partai politik lokal di Aceh, dimana terjadi transformasi dari gerilyawan ke partai politik serta pencapaian konsolidasi partai. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa partai yang lahir dari gerakan gerilya membutuhkan pola patronase untuk menyelamatkan otoritasnya pada realiasi politik di era demokrasi pasca konflik. Hal ini dianggap penting untuk mencapai konsolidasi partai baik di internal maupun eksternal (baca:konstituen) partai.Kata kunci: institusionalisasi, partai politik, patronase, konsolidasi]]>
<![CDATA[POST-PEACE: THE VICTORY OF INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES AND POLICY PERFORMANCE IN PIDIE, ACEH ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizkika Lhena Darwin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 10 No 2 (2022): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a2
<![CDATA[Electoral democracy has provided opportunities for candidates from individual path. Therefore, political parties do not become the single way to win the political election. This paper explores the victory of individual candidates in Pidie, Aceh, amid the difficulty of individual candidates winning against candidates from political parties which happened in other regions. This paper argues that the victory of individual candidates was strongly influenced by the risk of the policy performance of the ruling party in the previous period. The findings of this research are (1) individual candidates have no difference with political party’s candidate as they are not coming from social activist who bring alternative issues to the citizen. It only differs from its administrative requirements. (2) Pidie is an area where the majority of political parties support one candidate, so the presence of individual candidates becomes an alternative. (3) People's voting behavior in post-conflict areas tends to lead to rational choice, where past government policies become a consideration in voting in the next election. Thus, individual candidates in the context of regional elections will not affect the quality of democracy that takes place in Indonesia. Furthermore, in the positive side, people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. But the positive side is that people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. Strengthening the model of rational choice voting behavior will support the quality of elections and democracy that takes place in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Assessing Local Hijrah Movement’s Persistance: Rabbani Generation Community in Langsa, Aceh, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Melly Masni]]>
<![CDATA[ Vox Populi Vol 7 No 2 (2024): VOX POPULI ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI (UIN) ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/vp.v7i2.51042
<![CDATA[This paper attempts to assess the persistence of a Hijrah movement, the Rabbani Movement Community (KGR, ‘Komunitas Gerakan Hijrah’) in Langsa, Aceh, using social movement theory. In the midst of the growing trend of the Hijrah movement at the national level, it is intriguing to comprehend the existence of local Hijrah movements, particularly those with movement bases in areas where Islamic sharia is applied, such as Aceh. This region is believed to have a political opportunity structure that optimally supports the continuation of movements whose central tenets are Islamic values. However, KGR shows the opposite fact. Using a qualitative approach consisting of in-depth interviews and documentation, the research reveals that although the existence of KGR is strongly supported by a conducive political opportunity structure in Aceh and the framing of Islamic values that encourage widespread social acceptance of the Acehnese people, its consistency in terms of resource mobilization is weak, making it difficult for this movement to maintain its existence. This is due to the KGR's excessive dependence on its founder, which makes the movement vulnerable without the drive of its most influential figure.]]>
<![CDATA[“ZIKIR GEMILANG” ELITE POLITIK DI BANDA ACEH: Wacana Populis atau Kebijakan Publik? ]]>
<![CDATA[Akmal, Saiful]]>;
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Zalikha, Siti Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 5, No 1 (2020): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v5i1.26548
<![CDATA[ikir publik menjadi arus baru di Aceh setelah tsunami. Dalam perkembangannya, zikir digunakan oleh elit politik baik ketika pilkada sebagai strategi kampanye, maupun sebagai kebijakan populis dalam menjalankan pemerintahan. Begitu pula Pemerintah Kota Banda Aceh periode 2017-2022 yang menjadikan zikir sebagai salah satu program utama yang kemudian diberi nama “zikir gemilang“. Penelitian ini tertarik untuk melihat implementasi zikir ini apakah cenderung sebagai wacana populis atau kebijakan publik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif lewat metode wawancara semi struktur dan bola salju terhadap sejumlah informan kunci. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa meskipun pemahaman ulang terhadap fenomena zikir dari wacana ke aksi terjadi, namun itu sebatas pergantian slogan dari “madani“ ke “gemilang“. Kemudian, ada tiga dimensi wacana dominan yang dimainkan oleh elit terkait pelaksanaan kebijakan zikir: 1) wacana dimensi sosial budaya (islam sebagai sistem sosial), 2) wacana dimensi ekonomi (wisata islami) dan 3) wacana dimensi politik (kebijakan populis demi elektabilitas). Penelitian ini juga mengindikasikan bahwa program zikir cenderung menjadi wacana populis untuk membentuk citra elit. Dengan demikian, kebijakan zikir digunakan sebagai pemenuhan janji kampanye, dan sarana komunikasi atau klarifikasi publik terhadap kebijakan-kebijakan yang dibuat oleh pemerintah.]]>
<![CDATA[TOILET KHUSUS PEREMPUAN DAN WARUNG KOPI DI BANDA ACEH (Sebuah Kajian Terhadap Konsep Keadilan Gender dan Gender Planning) ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadlia, Faradilla]]>;
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramadani, Ismar]]>
<![CDATA[ INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHILD AND GENDER STUDIES Vol 2, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/equality.v2i1.1449
<![CDATA[Become part of the public space in Banda Aceh, the coffee shop should be friendly to male and female gender. Because after the tsunami, women were in a coffee shop as a form of public involvement in public place have previously dominated by men. Even so, almost no coffee shop in the city of Banda Aceh that separate male and female toilets. Not to mention the condition of the toilets which tend to be clean and comfortable to use. It is not only forgotten by the management but also by women themselves. When referring to the concept of the concept of gender equality and gender planning then this condition could occur due to a lack of understanding of gender equality from the manager of a coffee shop or on the women themselves. Although the observations made, women tend to feel uncomfortable because of this issue, but they do not know how to communicate with the manager. As a conclusion that the coffee shop is not reserved for women. Even if women have become part of the coffee shop, the conclusions that coffee shop is not friendly to the female gender.]]>
<![CDATA[Sharia Law Implementation in Aceh: Exploring Feminization of Poverty and Local Policy Effect ]]>
<![CDATA[Darwin, Rizkika Lhena]]>;
<![CDATA[Fajarni, Suci]]>;
<![CDATA[Safri, T. Mulkan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Administration, Governance, and Political Issues Vol. 2 No. 1 (2025): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Journal Publisher ]]>
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DOI: 10.47134/jagpi.v2i1.4645
<![CDATA[Many studies on poverty have been conducted using a development approach, which has evolved to include typologies of poverty (structural and cultural poverty), factors causing poverty, and government policies to combat it. One of the current focuses is the feminization of poverty, given that women are a large social entity but are structurally vulnerable. This article explores the relationship between local government policies and women's poverty, particularly the implementation of Islamic Sharia law in Aceh as a local policy. While Sharia policies are nominally intended to provide protection and security for women, in practice, these policies have not been fully gender-responsive. Research findings indicate that poor women in Aceh face double pressures due to economic poverty and social restrictions based on conservative interpretations of Sharia law and a strong patriarchal culture. Through a qualitative approach and feminist political economy analysis, this article concludes that local policies that do not integrate a gender perspective actually exacerbate the feminization of poverty. Therefore, participatory and inclusive Islamic gender justice-based policies are needed to create effective protection and empowerment for poor women in Aceh.]]>
