Articles
<![CDATA[Cancellation of Regional Head Candidates by Bawaslu in Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Tasikmalaya Regency in 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohammad Iqbal Alam Islami]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ PERSPEKTIF Vol. 12 No. 3 (2023): PERSPEKTIF, July ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Medan Area ]]>
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DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v12i3.9905
<![CDATA[The aim of the study was to analyze the Cancellation of Regional Head Candidates by Bawaslu in the Simultaneous Pilkada in Tasikmalaya Regency in 2020. The method used in this research is qualitative with a case study approach. The subjects in this study were people who were directly involved in the 2020 regional elections for Tasikmalaya Regency. The results showed that referring to the Tasikmalaya Regency Bawaslu Letter Number 046/K.Bawaslu.JB-18/PM.00.02/XXII/2020. The incumbent uses his authority to influence voters by issuing the District Head's Instruction Letter No. 6 of 2020 September 2 2020 concerning the Acceleration of Waqf Land Certification in Tasikmalaya Regency addressed to sub-district heads throughout Tasikmalaya Regency and district head circular letter Number 42 of 2020 dated September 3 2020 addressed to MUI Tasikmalaya Regency, Chair of BKPRMI Tasikmalaya Regency and Chair of the Islamic Boarding School Forum Tasikmalaya Regency. There is no charge/free of charge for land issuance administration fees. But the Tasikmalaya Regency KPU study found no violations. It was later proven that Bawaslu member Ahmad Aziz Firdaus had abused his authority, was unprofessional and was involved in a conflict of interest because Firdaus' wife had a sibling relationship with the wife of Iip Miftahul Faoz.]]>
<![CDATA[Hamka's Thoughts on Taqwa Democracy ]]>
<![CDATA[Herdiawanto, Heri]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>;
<![CDATA[Noor, Firman]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 20, No 2 (2023): Jurnal Penelitian Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Riset Politik BRIN ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v20i2.1487
<![CDATA[The phenomenon of Western democracy as an ideal political system, has been continuously debatable among Muslims. Muslim societies respond to Western democracy with three groups of attitudes, namely acceptance (“pro”), rejection (contra, “con”) and critical accommodation. The main argument of the contra camp is the rejection of secularism as the main characteristic of Western democracy. On the other hand, the pro and critical accommodative camps consider democracy to achieve Islamic goals. One of the prominent Indonesian thinkers in the critical accommodative camp was Hamka or Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah. Hamka (1908–1981), one of the leading Islamic intellectuals in Indonesia in the modern era, was known for his monumental work, Tafsir Al Azhar. Hamka was well-known as an Indonesian ulama (cleric), Muhammadiyah activist, and Masyumi Party politician who was directly involved in the ideological debates in the Constituent Assembly in Bandung (1956–1959). This paper presents a descriptive-analytical research report conducted in 2015–2019. This aims to explain Hamka’s view of democracy through Islamic perspective. Hamka believes that democracy is the way to achieve Islamic goals. Tauhid and shura are the basis of Hamka’s thoughts about democracy. In contrast to secular Western democracy, Hamka coined the Islamic concept of democracy, which was named “Taqwa Democracy”.]]>
<![CDATA[Framing Women's Politics "Wadon Wadas" Against Mine Resistance National Strategy Project in Wadas Village Purworejo ]]>
<![CDATA[Jumaynah, Fullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ JISIP: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Vol 7, No 4 (2023): JISIP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan) (November) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan (LPP) Mandala ]]>
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DOI: 10.58258/jisip.v7i4.5505
<![CDATA[Munculnya konflik agraria tidak dapat dilepaskan dari kehadiran gerakan sosial termasuk gerakan perempuan. Wadon Wadas merupakan gerakan perlawanan perempuan terhadap penambangan andesit. Penambangan tersebut adalah bagian dari pemenuhan kebutuhan bahan baku pembangunan Bendungan Bener salah satu dari Proyek Strategis Nasional yang dilaksanakan di Purworejo. Wadon Wadas menolak penambangan bahan baku berupa andesit untuk kebutuhan menjaga alam Wadas yang merupakan warisan turun temurun penopang kehidupan warga Wadas. Beragam aksi kolektif dilakukan Wadon Wadas mulai dari mujahadah, membesek, aksi demonstrasi, dan lain sebagainya. Aksi-aksi yang dilakukan mendapatkan sorotan publik yang masif yang kemudian membesarkan kampanye gerakan tersebut. Melaui studi literatur, penelitian ini menunjukan framing gerakan perlawanan yang merupakan satu bagian penting dari struktur politik perlawanan (contentious politics) telah berhasil dilakukan Wadon Wadas melalui framing ketidakadilan. Ketidakadilan yang dihadapi Wadon Wadas kemudian melahirkan perlawanan kolektif perempuan Wadas dan menunjukan politik perempuan yang lahir dari tradisi dan kebutuhan domestik.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Family and Intra-Party Democracy in Indonesia. (A Study on the Political Recruitment of the Golkar Party during the Reform Era in South Sulawesi) ]]>
<![CDATA[TITIN PURWANINGSIH]]>;
<![CDATA[VALINA SINGKA SUBEKTI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.8154
<![CDATA[This paper looks at the political family involved in the local politics in South Sulawesi, particularly the political recruitment mechanism and political party institutionalization from the intra-party democracy perspective. Based on qualitative analysis, the findings of this research show that, firstly, a large number of political families in Golkar Party at South Sulawesi are a product of the oligarchymeritocratic political recruitment. Political legacies such as activities in social and political organizations give more advantages for the political families both in the political recruitment process and the access to power. Secondly, the weakness of Golkar Party’s institutionalization is showed by the dependence of Golkar Party to the party’s elite and the existence of factionalization within the party. As a result of such weakness, several party leaders resign from Golkar Party, thereby strengthening the role of political families in the political recruitment process. 50% of the 2014 electoral vote for the Golkar Party in the South Sulawesi Parliament has been largely contributed by the political families. political family; ; political recruitment; political party institutionalization; intra-party democracy]]>
<![CDATA[Executive Dominance in the Ratification Process of Law Number 11 of 2020 Concerning the Omnibus Law on Job Creation ]]>
<![CDATA[Primana, Hengky]]>;
<![CDATA[Singka Subekti, Valina]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Law, Politic and Humanities Vol. 5 No. 3 (2025): (JLPH) Journal of Law, Politic and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Dinasti Research ]]>
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DOI: 10.38035/jlph.v5i3.1230
<![CDATA[This study examines the formation and implementation of Law Number 11 of 2020 on Job Creation in Indonesia, which aims to simplify regulations related to investment and labour. Using a normative juridical approach, this study analyses the formal, material, and implementation aspects of the law. The results reveal significant challenges in the legislative process, including the dominance of executive power, limited public participation, and lack of transparency. The strong coalition of government-supporting parties in parliament enabled the accelerated passage of the law, but this raised concerns about the legitimacy of the law and its ability to balance business, labour and environmental interests. The research concludes that the legislative process reflects fundamental imbalances in Indonesia's political and legal systems, emphasising the urgency of systemic reforms to strengthen public participation, increase transparency, and restore the balance of power between the executive and legislature. Addressing these issues is critical to strengthening the foundations of democracy and ensuring better governance in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Prolonged Elite Conflict and the Destruction of the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII) ]]>
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ Studia Islamika Vol. 24 No. 2 (2017): Studia Islamika ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v24i2.4580
<![CDATA[Even prior to Indonesia’s declaration of independence, political parties flourished as part of the political landscape of the archipelago and played a significant role in Indonesia’s struggle for independence. Instead of contributing to political development and institutionalisation, however, some political parties prove to be unable to survive the test of time. Indeed, one reason for this is internal conflict among party elites. Here I discuss the case of the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII, Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia), Indonesia’s first Islamic party, before its ultimate demise. This article argues that PSII’s destruction was the result of unresolved conflicts among the party’s elite. In fact, an examination of the party’s history reveals that party unity was fractured for decades as a result of protracted conflicts that resulted in its dissolution. Its return to politics during the newly democratic elections after 1998 remained compromised by the same chronic problem, which affected its ability to generate sufficient popular support to meet the prescribed electoral threshold.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v24i2.4580]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa? Studi Kasus Desa Dengan Tipologi Tradisional, Transisional, dan Modern di Provinsi Jawa Barat Tahun 2008-2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuningsih, Neneng Yani]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research was motivated by variety of understandings of political activities in villages. The article argues that village is considered as the embrio for the formation of political society and government in Indonesia, which is also the basis for this democratic nation. This consideration can be seen from the activities of village’s headman elections. Headman election is a political activity that shows how democratic process can take place in village level. Therefore, headman elections cannot be eparated from the dynamic development of the political situation in the village. It is not merely a power struggle within the leadership’s succession in the village or the campaign strategy applied to gain support from the wider community, but more than that it is all about prestige, dignity and honor. So for the villagers, the headman election is more emotional and rational in comparison with other elections such as local elections, even presidential elections. This research examines the Headman Election with direct analysis of three villages with different typologies. They villages are Neglasari Village in Salawu, Tasikmalaya (Traditional Village); Cimekar Village in Cileunyi, Bandung (Transitional Village); Cipacing Village in Jatinangor, Sumedang (Modern Village). Those three villages are located in the province of West Java. The result shows that practice of democracy in those three villages has worked partly according to some ideal criteria of democracy, nevertheless has not worked yet in some others criteria.]]>
<![CDATA[KERABAT SEBAGAI MESIN POLITIK: KLIENTELISME DAN KEMENANGAN KANDIDAT PEREMPUAN PEMULA PADA PEMILU LEGISLATIF DPRD KABUPATEN NAGEKEO TAHUN 2024 ]]>
<![CDATA[Gadhe, Maria Kristiana]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ GOVERNANCE: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Politik Lokal dan Pembangunan Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025): 2025 Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (LKISPOL) ]]>
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DOI: 10.56015/gjikplp.v12i2.591
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze how kinship-based clientelism influences the victory of female novice candidates in a political space that tends to be dominated by a patriarchal system. The research findings indicate that in the context of Maria Roswita Mea Laki's victory, the role of the nuclear family, a campaign team consisting of relatives, and the provision of social assistance were very dominant, which in turn strengthened local community solidarity in gaining voter support. In addition, the role of Mosalaki (traditional leaders) provided important symbolic legitimacy, as did cadet/farmer groups that served as low-cost mobilization arenas based on social solidarity at the village level. These social networks contributed significantly to the campaign's success, particularly in the context of the Nagekeo community, which remains strongly tied to family and customary ties. This study utilizes Herbert Kitschelt's (2000) theory of clientelism and social networks.]]>
<![CDATA[Gerakan Penolakan Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil untuk Reformasi Sektor Keamanan terhadap Revisi Undang-Undang TNI 2025 ]]>
<![CDATA[Aldira Dwi Yunianto Yunianto]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ MIMBAR : Jurnal Sosial dan Pembangunan Volume 42, No. 1, (Juni 2026) [Accredited Sinta 3, No 79/E/KPT/2023] ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UPT Publikasi Ilmiah (Universitas Islam Bandung) ]]>
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DOI: 10.29313/mimbar.v42i1.10532
<![CDATA[Indonesia faces democratic regression marked by the revision of the Indonesian Military Law (TNI Law) enacted on 20 March 2025, widely perceived as a threat to civilian supremacy and a potential revival of military dual-function practices. While prior studies have examined democratic decline and military reform in Indonesia separately, none has specifically analyzed how civil society constructs and sustains collective resistance against this revision. This study addresses that gap by examining the Coalition for Civil Society for Security Sector Reform, applying (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 2004)) contentious politics framework through a qualitative case study involving in-depth interviews and document analysis. The coalition sustains resistance through four interrelated elements: opportunities and threats, mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention. Although the law is enacted, the coalition maintains contention through judicial review and post-enactment advocacy. The findings offer practical insights for strengthening civilian oversight, informing civil-military relations policy, and supporting institutional safeguards against military expansion into civilian governance in Indonesia and comparable democratizing contexts.]]>
<![CDATA[Malapratik Pemilu 2024: Pelanggaran Ketentuan Regulasi Pencalonan Perempuan di Pemilu DPRD Provinsi Gorontalo ]]>
<![CDATA[Ilham Saputra]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ Parapolitika: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025): PARAPOLITIKA: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Ilmu Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.33822/jpds.v6i2.11281
<![CDATA[Penetapan PKPU No 10 Tahun 2023 dalam mengatur proses pencalonan legislatif pada pemilu 2024, dianggap bertentangan dengan UU No 7 Tahun 2017. Keputusan Mahkamah Agung, Bawaslu dan DKPP, menetapkan bahwa pasal 18 ayat 2 point (a) yang memperbolehkan perhitungan desimal kebawah tidak sah dan memerintahkan KPU mencabut pasal persebut karena menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum dan polemik di tengah masyarakat. KPU mengabaikan keputusan-keputusan tersebut, dan menetapkan 267 DCT DPR dan 1.016 DCT DPRD Provinsi yang belum mencapai 30% keterwakilan perempuan. Kasus Gugatan ke MK terhadap hasil pemilu legislatif 2024 di Daerah Pemilihan 6 Provinsi Gorontalo merupakan dampak dari malapraktek pemilu nasional serius dan dilakukan secara hirarkis. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menganalisis bagaimana KPU 2022-2027 memanipulasi PKPU No 10 Tahun 2023, serta melihat dampak dari pelanggaran peraturan pencalonan perempuan dalam DCT di Dapil 6 DPRD Provinsi Gorontalo. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Data primer diperoleh dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam dengan informan terpilih, semua data dianalisis dengan teori malapraktik pemilu Sarah Birch (2013). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa malapraktik pemilu dengan manipulasi PKPU dapat terjadi karena (1) keterbatasan dan kesulitan partai politik dalam merekrut caleg perempuan yang potensial, (2) asumsi ketidakadilan pada perhitungan desimal dengan pembulatan ke atas, (3) upaya partai politik untuk lolos verifikasi DCT pemilu 2024, serta (4) kekhawatiran KPU akan hambatan politik dalam penetapan PKPU yang tepat waktu. Sedangkan pelanggaran di dapil Gorontalo 6 terjadi dengan alasan (1) KPU Provinsi Gorontalo memiliki kewajiban untuk menjalankan PKPU No 10 Tahun 2023 dalam menentukan DCT perempuan, dan (2) waktu pelaksanaan pemilu yang singkat. Temuan utama penelitian ini adalah malapraktik pemilu di Provinsi Gorontalo terjadi karena KPU tidak mampu menjaga kemandirian dan integritasnya dalam membuat regulasi teknis PKPU.]]>
