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Strategi Politik Pemenangan Usman Sidik-Hasan Ali Bassam Kasuba di Pilkada Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan 2020 Samsir Hamajen; Asep Setiawan; Lusi Andriyani
INDEPENDEN: Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global Vol 4, No 1 (2023): INDEPENDEN : Jurnal Politik Indonesia dan Global
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/independen.4.1.7-20

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji strategi politik pemenangan pasangan Usman Sidik dan Hasan Ali Bassam Kasuba di Pilkada Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan, Maluku Utara tahun 2020. Pasangan ini dapat mengalahkan pasangan Helmi Umar Mucksin dan Laode Arfan dalam Pilkada Serentak tahun 2020. Untuk mengkaji strategi politik pemenangan ini konsep yang digunakan adalah partai politik, koalisi besar dan pemilu. Pendekatan kualitatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini dengan Teknik pengambilan data melalui wawancara sejumlah tokoh partai politik dan tokoh di Halmahera Selatan serta studi literatur. Dari penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa pertama, strategi pemenangan memanfaatkan gagalnya petahanan Bupati Halmahera Selatan yang tidak dapat mencalonkan diri lagi. Kedua, pasangan Usman-Bassam menggalang koalisi besar dengan merangkul sembilan partai politik yang menguasai 21 kursi di DPRD di Halmahera Selatan. Ketiga, strategi pemenangan pasangan Usman-Bassam dilakukan dengan memperkuat kampanye baik melalui jaringan kampanye ke pelosok desa sampai dengan promosi program politiknya.
Pendekatan Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat Terhadap Proses Demokratisasi Myanmar Asep Setiawan; Laode Muhammad Fathun
Review of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2023): Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional)
Publisher : UIN ALAUDDIN MAKASSAR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434

Abstract

The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.
China's Response To Indonesia's Policies In The North Natuna Sea Aldi Wahyudi Bolkiah; Asep Setiawan; Usni Usni
Jurnal Inovasi dan Kreativitas (JIKa) Vol. 3 No. 2 (2023): September
Publisher : Universitas Serang Raya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30656/jika.v3i2.7084

Abstract

Problems: The North Natuna Sea has emerged as a point of contention between China and Indonesia. This research delves into the ambiguity and potential conflict within China's response to Indonesia's actions in the region. Purpose: This research aims to examine China's response to Indonesia's North Natuna Sea policies. And also Investigate Indonesia's policy regarding North Natuna Sea map issuance. Methodology: Qualitative research methods are employed, primarily involving an extensive review of existing literature. The analysis relies on a descriptive approach, drawing from foreign policy theory and geopolitical theory. Results/Findings: Indonesia's bold move in 2017, Indonesia officially inaugurated the North Natuna Sea Map. Objectives were clear, demarcate territorial boundaries, maximize resource utilization, and advance maritime ambitions. There is China's Ambiguous Response that took three forms. Coercive Response, China asserted dominance via the controversial Nine Dash Line and military force deployment within Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the North Natuna Sea. Persuasive Response, Diplomatically, China argued for South China Sea sovereignty, including the Nansha Islands and their waters. President Xi Jinping advocated mutual respect among neighboring countries. Dialogic Response, China engaged in diplomatic dialogues through forums like ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) and ASEAN-China Political Consultative Mechanism (PCM) to reduce regional tensions, seeking mutual agreements.Bottom of Form Paper Type: Geopolitical Issue Keywords: North Natuna Sea, UNLCOS, ZEE
Reframing Human Trafficking: Indonesia’s Diplomacy in Tackling Chinese Mail-Order Bride Cases Luthfiyani Nurul Jannah; Asep Setiawan; Usni Usni; Debbie Affianty
COMSERVA : Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Vol. 4 No. 7 (2024): COMSERVA : Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat
Publisher : Publikasi Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59141/comserva.v4i7.1423

Abstract

The phenomenon of Chinese mail-order brides in Indonesia gained prominence in the 1980s and resurfaced in 2017, particularly affecting regions like West Kalimantan. This research aims to examine Indonesia’s diplomatic strategies in addressing Chinese mail-order brides as human trafficking cases (TPPO) from 2018 to 2021, focusing on engagements between the Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Chinese Government. Theoretical frameworks of diplomacy, humanitarian diplomacy, and human security provide the analytical lens for this study. The study employs a qualitative research method, leveraging a comprehensive literature review of official documents, academic sources, and credible news articles. The research findings reveal that poverty, limited education, parental influence, and scarce employment opportunities contribute to the prevalence of mail-order brides. Additionally, cultural perceptions and aspirations for an improved life exacerbate the issue. The Indonesian government, through bilateral diplomacy, has made significant efforts, such as negotiating victim repatriation and enhancing law enforcement collaborations with China. Notable successes include framing mail-order bride cases as TPPO, which facilitated victim repatriation. NGOs like the Indonesian Migrant Workers' Union (SBMI) have played essential roles in advocacy and preventive measures. Despite these efforts, challenges remain, such as differing cultural perspectives between Indonesia and China and regulatory inconsistencies. Governmental complicity and inadequate documentation have further complicated diplomatic resolutions. The research highlights that Indonesia’s strategic reframing of mail-order bride cases as human trafficking crimes enhances international cooperation and offers policy innovation for addressing human rights violations.
Indonesia's Maritime Diplomacy under Joko Widodo Administration: Advancing the Global Maritime Fulcrum Vision Asep Setiawan
Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Sains Vol. 5 No. 12 (2024): Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Sains
Publisher : CV. Publikasi Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59141/jiss.v5i12.1519

Abstract

This research examines Indonesia's maritime diplomacy during the administration of President Joko Widodo (2014–2024) within the framework of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) vision. The research aims to analyze how Indonesia leveraged its maritime diplomacy to project its strategic identity and address challenges such as illegal fishing, maritime boundary disputes, and regional cooperation. Using qualitative analysis of policy documents, official speeches, and multilateral engagements, the study identifies Indonesia's adoption of cooperative, persuasive, and coercive approaches to maritime diplomacy. Results reveal significant progress in fostering regional maritime cooperation, reducing illegal fishing activities, and promoting Indonesia's Indo-Pacific outlook. However, challenges such as implementation gaps, sovereignty disputes, and navigating major power competition persist. The study concludes that sustained maritime diplomacy is critical for Indonesia to realize its full status as a Global Maritime Fulcrum. It also suggests further enhancements in institutional coordination, resource allocation, and international partnerships to solidify its maritime leadership.
POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE KASEPUHAN GELARALAM COMMUNITY IN SUKABUMI REGENCY, WEST JAVA Dinar Meidiana; Endang Sulastri; Lusi Andriyani; Asep Setiawan
KAIS Kajian Ilmu Sosial Vol. 7 No. 1 (2026): KAIS: Kajian Ilmu Sosial
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24853/kais.7.1.1-14

Abstract

The political culture of a society constitutes a pivotal component in the development of democracy. Within the context of democratic practice, the political orientations and cultures of modern urban societies differ significantly from those of traditional communities. As a pluralistic nation, Indonesia faces unique challenges in implementing democratic practices, particularly in general elections. In the Kasepuhan Gelaralam community, individuals are granted the agency to determine their chosen leaders within the electoral framework, as evidenced by the adoption of procedures aligned with national electoral laws (Election Law). Researching the political culture of the Kasepuhan community is both vital and compelling for advancing academic discourse and promoting democratic practices within traditional societies. Consequently, this study examines the democratic values and practices that shape the political culture of the Kasepuhan Gelaralam in Sukabumi Regency, West Java. Employing a qualitative descriptive method, data was collected through observation and interviews. The findings reveal that democratic practices and values are deeply embedded within the Kasepuhan Gelaralam community. In daily life, principles of freedom, equality, justice, humanity, and non- discrimination are manifested, with all individuals considered equal under the law (Sara, Nagara, and Mokaha). These values foster a just and civilized democracy within the Kasepuhan. Furthermore, the community exhibits varying cognitive, affective, and evaluative orientations across different electoral cycles (the 2020 Regional Election, the 2023 Village Head Election, and the 2024 General Election). Based on these political orientations, it is concluded that the political culture of the Kasepuhan Gelaralam can be classified as partially parochial and partially participant
ANALISIS PENINGKATAN KESIAPAN RADAR PERTAHANAN UDARA DALAM RANGKA MENDETEKSI ANCAMAN REGIONAL TERHADAP WILAYAH IBU KOTA NUSANTARA Muhammad Fazlur Ansari Jayaratno; Asep Setiawan; Usni Usni; Endang Sulastri
Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Suara Khatulistiwa Vol 11 No 1 (2026): Public Service Governance
Publisher : Institut Pemerintahan Dalam Negeri

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33701/jipsk.v11i1.6128

Abstract

The relocation of the national capital to Ibu Kota Nusantara (IKN) in East Kalimantan places the region in a strategic yet vulnerable position within the Indo-Pacific regional security constellation. Its proximity to ALKI II, the Makassar Strait, and regional rivalries make strengthening the air defense radar system crucial for early detection and enforcing air sovereignty. This study examines the improvement of air defense radar readiness to detect regional threats to IKN, focusing on detection capabilities, radar data integration, and threat anticipation. Using a qualitative approach, data was collected through literature reviews, policy documents, operational reports, and interviews with officials at Koopsudnas and Satrad 205 Balikpapan. The analysis identified strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and challenges in Kalimantan's radar system. Findings reveal that while the Indonesian Air Force’s radar network detects cooperative and non-cooperative flights, it faces limitations like older technology, vulnerability to electronic warfare, and radar blank spots in northern Kalimantan. Data integration via the Balikpapan MCC is underway, but more coordination with civilian radars and the establishment of a Pontianak MCC are needed for better situational awareness. This study recommends modernizing radar systems, expanding sensor networks, strengthening AI-based data integration, and improving personnel competencies for a robust IKN air defense system.
Indonesia's Defense Politics in the Multipolar Era: A Study on the Modernization of the Indonesian Air Force's Defense Equipment (Alutsista) Muhammad Ridwan Pramudya; Asep Setiawan; Usni Hasanudin
Journal of World Science Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026): Journal of World Science
Publisher : Riviera Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.58344/jws.v4i12.1618

Abstract

The era of multipolarity, characterized by competition among the United States, China, Russia, and the European Union, has intensified global security dynamics. This competition spans military, technological, and energy domains, making the stability of Indonesia’s airspace increasingly critical. In response, Indonesia has modernized its air power as a deterrence strategy to address both conventional and non-conventional threats. This study analyzes how Indonesia’s defense policies in the era of multipolarity shape the modernization of the Indonesian Air Force’s (TNI AU) weapon systems from 2015 to 2025. Using a qualitative approach with a case study design, the research includes document analysis, policy review, and air defense strategic assessment. The findings show that the modernization efforts are a strategic response to multipolar dynamics, particularly the increasing use of air power in the region, tensions in the South China Sea, and emerging threats like cyber intrusions, foreign UAVs, and hybrid warfare. The study reveals that modernization is driven by operational needs, global political dynamics, and Indonesia’s defense industry capacity. Key measures include the procurement of advanced fighter aircraft, the enhancement of radar networks, the integration of command and control systems, and the development of cyber capabilities. In conclusion, the modernization of TNI AU’s weapon systems strengthens deterrence, maintains regional stability, and enhances the ability to respond to multidimensional threats in the era of multipolarity.
UPAYA KEPOLISIAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA BERSIKAP NETRAL PADA PEMILU 2024 DI LAMPUNG TIMUR UNTUK MENDUKUNG DEMOKRASI Viktor; Usni; Asep Setiawan; Lusi Andriyani
PAPATUNG: Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi Publik, Pemerintahan dan Politik Vol 9 No 3 (2026): PAPATUNG Volume 9 Nomor 3 Tahun 2026
Publisher : GoAcademica Research dan Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.54783/japp.v9i3.1860

Abstract

Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis berbagai langkah yang ditempuh Kepolisian Republik Indonesia (Polri) dalam mempertahankan sikap imparsialitasnya selama penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) 2024 di Kabupaten Lampung Timur, sekaligus menelaah sejauh mana imparsialitas tersebut berkontribusi bagi penguatan sistem demokrasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif bersifat deskriptif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam, serta penelaahan dokumen-dokumen yang relevan. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa netralitas Polri pada Pemilu 2024 di Kabupaten Lampung Timur dibangun melalui lima upaya utama. Pertama, penguatan regulasi dan kelembagaan sebagai landasan implementasi netralitas. Kedua, peningkatan profesionalisme personel melalui internalisasi etika, pelatihan, simulasi manajemen konflik, dan penguatan pengawasan etik. Ketiga, penguatan sinergi dengan KPU, Bawaslu, dan Sentra Gakkumdu untuk mendukung penyelenggaraan pemilu yang aman dan berintegritas. Keempat, penerapan komunikasi publik yang transparan melalui media dan pendekatan berbasis komunitas guna mencegah konflik. Kelima, optimalisasi sistem pengawasan internal dan penegakan disiplin untuk memastikan konsistensi sikap netral anggota Polri selama seluruh tahapan Pemilu 2024.