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Pergeseran Sentral Geopolitik Internasional, dari Heartland ke Asia Pasifik, Apa Geopolitic Leverage Indonesia ? Zulkarnain Zulkarnain; Hendra Maujana Saragih; Safrizal Rambe; Hendrajit - Hendrajit
Populis : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora Vol 3, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (398.774 KB) | DOI: 10.47313/pjsh.v3i2.469

Abstract

Indonesia has strategic geopolitics in global interaction, besides its position between two oceans and two continents which is an opportunity for how big a role that can be played on the international stage, also has a variety of natural resources. But this nation is not able to "manage" appropriately and well the location of the "strategic" position and wealth of natural resources that it has. Maybe only in the Bung Karno era, Indonesia was able to manage its geopolitics Key words: Geopolitics, Geopolitical Constellation, Indonesian Geopolitics, Threats
Socioeconomic Dynamics of the Bunyu Island Community-North Kalimantan: Baseline Studies for the Launch of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Program Safrizal Rambe; Zulkarnain
Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial Vol 9 No 2 (2022): Konfrontasi, June
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/konfrontasi2.v9i2.212

Abstract

This research is a mapping of the socioeconomic dynamics of the people of Bunyu Island, North Kalimantan, which is helpful as baseline studies when community development programs and other development programs are launched. Socioeconomic mapping of the community becomes important when we often see various government development programs and the private sector being criticized for not being based on the community's actual needs. This research shows how the socioeconomic dynamics of the people of Bunyu Island, economic characteristics, culture, socio-political dynamics, and various other things are expected to describe the socioeconomic conditions of the people of Bunyu Island. Bunyu itself is an area with firm characteristics. Its geographical environment is in the form of a small island, but it is known for its extraordinary natural wealth. Since the Dutch era, it has been known as an oil-producing island, and recently it is also a coal-producing area.
COMMUNISM AND DE-COMMUNIZATION: STUDY OF THE RISE AND COLLAPSE OF COMMUNISM IN INDONESIA AND UKRAINE: A COMPARISON Rambe, Safrizal; Chrisnandi, Yuddy; Haran, Olexiy
CosmoGov: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2024)
Publisher : Department of Government, FISIP, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/cosmogov.v10i1.51334

Abstract

The rise and fall of communism have caught the attention of many observers, including Indonesia and Ukraine. It is interesting to observe that communism in both countries had received comprehensive support during its revival but ended in destruction in Indonesia and Ukraine, which used to be countries that had the ideology of communism and later denounced communist regimes and banned propaganda of its symbols. This study wants to compare the existence of communism in Indonesia and Ukraine by referring to aspects of ideology and people's acceptance, forms and ideologies adopted by the two countries, figures who propagated it, supporting organizations, and the collapse of communism in Indonesia and Ukraine. This study uses a qualitative method by prioritizing library research in data collection, which then analyses and explains the meaning of the data or interprets it as accurately as possible.gb777
PROSES NEGOSIASI PARTAI ACEH DAN UPAYA PENERIMAAN PILKADA ACEH TAHUN 2012 Sudirman, Sudirman; Lubis, Sahruddin; Rambe, Safrizal
Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika Sosial Vol. 9 No. 2 (2023): September
Publisher : Program Studi Sosiologi Universitas Malikussaleh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/jsds.v9i2.5103

Abstract

This study examines the negotiation process of the Acehnese parties and their acceptance efforts in the 2012 regional elections. The study of the political efforts in negotiating carried out by the Aceh Party elite is not only limited to voicing through political demonstrations, but also taking legal steps through lawsuits against The Constitutional Court is one step in political negotiations with the central government to continue its power and support the creation of sustainable peace in Aceh. This study uses the perspective of negotiation theory and effective political communication. The data collection method used in this research was through an observation approach, document study and in-depth interviews with; Aceh Party elite, Chairman of the Independent Election Commission (KIP), Civil Society and academics. Finally, this study concluded that. First, the refusal to register is part of the negotiation process between the Aceh Party and the central government as a form of commitment to the mandate of the Helsinki MoU and the mandate of the Republic of Indonesia Government Law (UUPA) Number 6 of 2006 concerning the Aceh Government and the sustainability of peace. Second, the Aceh Party formed the Free Aceh Political and Ideological Framing Alliance. This political alliance can help strengthen the voter base, expand campaign reach and strengthen political influence. Third, building effective communication with supporting parties to mobilize support for the Aceh Party.Studi ini mengkaji tentang proses negosiasi partai Aceh dan upaya penerimaan dalam Pilkada tahun 2012. Studi tentang upaya-upaya politik dalam bernegosiasi yang dilakukan oleh elit Partai Aceh bukan hanya sebatas menyuarakan lewat aksi politik unjuk rasa, namun juga mengambil langkah-langkah hukum melalui gugatan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi merupakan salah satu langkah negosiasi politik dengan pemerintah pusat untuk melanjutkan kekuasaaan dan mendukung terciptanya perdamaian berkelanjutan di Aceh. Studi ini menggunakan perspektif teori negosiasi dan komunikasi politik efektif. Metode pengumpulan data yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini melalui pendekatan observasi, studi dokumen dan wawancara mendalam dengan; elit Partai Aceh, Ketua Komisi Independen Pemilihan (KIP), Masyarakat Sipil dan akademisi. Akhirnya, studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa. Pertama, penolakan pendaftaran merupakan bagian dari proses negosiasi Partai Aceh dan pemerintah pusat sebagai bentuk komitmen amanah Mou Helsinki dan amanah Undang-Undang Pemerintah Repuplik Indonesia (UUPA) Nomor 6 Tahun 2006 Tentang Pemerintah Aceh dan keberlajutan Perdamaian. Kedua, Partai Aceh membentuk Aliansi Politik dan Framing Idiologi Aceh Merdeka, aliansi politik ini dapat membantu memperkuat basis pemilih, memperluas jangkauan kampanye, dan memperkuat pengaruh politik. Ketiga, membangun komunikasi efektif dengan partai pendukung sebagai penggalangan dukungan Partai Aceh.
ANTARA PARTAI DAN ORMAS: STUDI PERGESERAN POLITIK SYARIKAT ISLAM PERIODE 1971 - 2004 Rambe, Safrizal; Suwaryo, Utang; Bainus, Arry; ., Muradi
Paradigma POLISTAAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 5 No. 1 (2022): Paradigma POLISTAAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23969/paradigmapolistaat.v5i1.5585

Abstract

Pergeseran politik yang terjadi dalam sebuah partai politik, tidak dapat dipisahkan dari adanya dinamika di dalam internal partai politik. Salah satu dinamika yang terjadi di internal partai politik adalah pergeseran politik yang terjadi dalam Sarekat Islam dalam periode 1971-2004. Dinamika Politik dapat diartikan sebagai gambaran seberapa jauh proses politik yang berlangsung mampu mencerminkan nilai-nilai demokrasi dan akuntabilitas (Agustino: 2009) . Dengan adanya dinamika politik, maka kita mengetahui pergeseran yang terjadi dalam politik, serta dapat menganalisis pergerakan lembaga-lembaga politik dalam menjalankan tugas dan wewenangnya. Dengan demikian, dapat diartikan bahwa dinamika politik merupakan pergerakan politik.
Questioning Reform, Democracy and the Rule of Law in Indonesia Gratia Wing Artha; Herdi Sahrasad; Safrizal Rambe
Jurnal Peradaban Vol. 4 No. 2 (2024): Jurnal Peradaban
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Universitas Paramadina

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.51353/b8n24p89

Abstract

Peneitian ini menganalisis kemunduran demokrasi, reformasi, dan supremasi hukum di Indonesia yang ditandai dengan fenomena stagnasi serta regresi. Melalui tinjauan literatur dan analisis situasi terkini, penulis menyoroti bagaimana demokrasi Indonesia telah dibajak oleh kekuatan oligarki, plutokrat, dan kapitalisme neoliberal yang memperlebar jurang ketimpangan ekonomi dan sosial. Data menunjukkan adanya ketimpangan aset finansial dan lahan yang ekstrem, serta dominasi asing yang kuat dalam sektor sumber daya alam seperti migas dan pertambangan. Rezim reformasi, khususnya pada era Presiden Joko Widodo, dinilai gagal mewujudkan keadilan sosial karena terjebak dalam praktik neo-KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme) dan pelemahan etika kepemimpinan. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa pemerintahan Presiden Prabowo Subianto memikul tanggung jawab besar untuk memulihkan cita-cita Proklamasi 1945 melalui penegakan hukum yang tanpa pandang bulu, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan tata kelola ekonomi yang berorientasi pada kesejahteraan rakyat guna menghindari risiko negara gagal.
Dinamika Demokrasi Indonesia Pasca Pemilu 2024 : Tinjauan Terhadap Konfigurasi Politik PDIP dan PKS Sara, Bapthista Mario Yosryandi; Rambe, Safrizal
Jurnal Demokrasi dan Politik Lokal Vol 7 No 2 (2025): Edisi Oktober
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Politik, FISIP, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/jdpl.7.2.115-132.2025

Abstract

Sebenarnya, Pemilu 2024 adalah gambaran atas dinamika demokrasi elektoral Indonesia di tengah krisis potensi yang kian ditiru. Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP), yang selama dua periode mendominasi eksekutif dan legislatif, kini harus menentukan posisi politiknya di tengah penurunan dukungan elektoral di basis tradisionalnya. Pilihan antara berada di lingkar kekuasaan melalui kompromi atau mundur ke barisan oposisi untuk memulihkan citra ideologis, menjadi suatu dilema yang cukup serius. Demikian pula Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), terjadi di persimpangan tengah jalan; antara bertahan sebagai konsistensi yang sejauh ini menjadi mesin perlawanan atau bergabung ke perdamaian dengan kalkulasi pragmatis tatkala mengamankan sumber daya politiknya. Dengan demikian, tulisan ini mengkaji dinamika tersebut melalui analisis teori oposisi, teori tidak rasional, serta politik patronase yang menjelaskan betapa cairnya garis oposisi oposisi dan lingkungan dalam politik Indonesia pasca-reformasi. Hasil analisis yang ditampilkan, hakikatnya konfigurasi politik PDIP dan PKS pasca Pemilu 2024, menjadi salah satu aspek krusial pada kualitas demokrasi Indonesia. Jika kedua partai ini bersatu dalam kondisi besar, maka ruang oposisi yang substantif akan menyempit, dan turut serta menambah check and balance dalam prosedur demokrasi. Oleh karena itu, pergeseran politik PDIP dan PKS tidak sebatas strategi kekuasaan, justru pertaruhan masa depan demokrasi Indonesia di bawah bayang-bayang kekuasaan rezim Prabowo-Gibran.
An Overview of the Journey of Political Parties in Indonesia from a Socio-historical Perspective Safrizal Rambe; Zulkarnain
Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics Vol 2 No 2 (2022): Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics, May
Publisher : Britain International for Academic Research (BIAR-Publisher)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/polit.v2i2.645

Abstract

Democratic country usually generates a healthy, growing, and rooted political party. In Indonesia, political parties had long been known before Indonesia's independence. At that time, the political party became the medium of the founding fathers' struggle to fight against colonialism. Since Indonesia's Independence Day, the existence of a political party was admitted and supported by the government. This study needs to make a political point of view. It will enrich learning and understanding of the existence of political parties concerning the development of Political Science in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to describe how the political party's history and its role from Orde Lama until the Orde Baru era in Indonesia. This study uses a qualitative research method, and data interpretation will be analyzed with the descriptive analysis method. In the meantime, data validation will be checked and rechecked after collecting data. This study concludes that Indonesian politics has experienced a significant shift in values and practices. Indonesia started the state process with the concept of gotong royong. It was oriented to the welfare of the people with the leadership of the assembly institution as the people's representative in the form of deliberation.
Jaringan Keluarga dan Otoritas Kiai NU dalam Dukungan kepada HADIST pada Pilkada Kabupaten Bogor 2018 Muhammad Akbar Hartanto; Safrizal Rambe; Meilina Siregar
Demokrasi: Jurnal Riset Ilmu Hukum, Sosial dan Politik Vol. 3 No. 3 (2026): Juli : Demokrasi: Jurnal Riset Ilmu Hukum, Sosial dan Politik
Publisher : Asosiasi Peneliti dan Pengajar Ilmu Hukum Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62383/demokrasi.v3i3.1861

Abstract

Local elections in Indonesia are shaped not only by party competition but also by informal authority, social networks, and long-term relations between candidates and community leaders. This study examines why Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) kiai supported the Ade Yasin-Iwan Setiawan (HADIST) ticket in the 2018 Bogor Regency election and how that support was communicated. A qualitative case-study design was employed using semi-structured interviews with four purposively selected informants from PCNU Bogor Regency, MUI Bogor Regency, MWCNU Sukaraja, and academia, complemented by official election documents, campaign reports, and scholarly literature. The findings indicate that the most consistent basis of support was the Yasin family's accumulated relationship with kiai, pesantren, and Nahdliyin communities. Cultural proximity to NU strengthened familiarity, while assessments of Ade Yasin's social engagement and candidate profile provided an additional evaluative basis. Kiai then translated these preferences into political communication through religious gatherings, pesantren networks, and NU-linked social spaces. Their authority, however, was conditional rather than absolute because voters also accessed alternative political information, including digital media. The study highlights relational trust as the bridge connecting family networks, religious authority, and electoral mobilization.
POLITICAL HEGEMONY AND THE EMERGENCE OF A SINGLE CANDIDATE IN THE 2024 NORTH ACEH LOCAL ELECTION: A GRAMSCIAN PERSPECTIVE Sudirman Sudirman; Sahruddin Lubis; TB Massa Dja’far; Safrizal Rambe; Alfa Khalil Ikram
Jurnal Cinta Nusantara Vol. 4 No. 3 (2026): Juli-September, Synergy of Research and Community Service for Community Empower
Publisher : CV. Bunda Ratu

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.63754/jcn.v4i3.179

Abstract

The increasing occurrence of single-candidate local elections in Indonesia raises important questions about the quality of local democracy, particularly in post-conflict regions such as Aceh. While previous studies mainly explain this phenomenon through institutional factors, they pay limited attention to how political dominance acquires social legitimacy. This study examines how the political hegemony of the Aceh Party generated elite consensus and produced a single-candidate election in the 2024 North Aceh local election. Using a qualitative case study approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews and documentary analysis, then analyzed thematically and interpreted through Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony. The findings show that the single-candidate election resulted not from institutional arrangements or political pragmatism alone, but from a gradual process of hegemonic consolidation involving historical legitimacy, ideological leadership, elite accommodation, and the production of social consent—mechanisms that transformed political dominance into electoral consensus while formally preserving democratic procedures. This study extends Gramscian theory by showing that hegemonic political practices may develop within formally democratic systems through legitimacy and voluntary consent rather than coercion, contributing to the literature on political hegemony, dominant-party politics, and local democracy in post-conflict societies.