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Keberadaan Klausul Yang Tidak Dapat Diubah (Unamendable Provisions) Sebagai Identitas Konstitusi Ika Kurniawati
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art2

Unamendable provisions are provisions set in order to limit the constitutional amendments. There are unamendable provisions that are implied or affirmed directly by the Constitution and there are those that may appear in the future should there be a dispute over the constitutional amendments. The concept of constitutional identity is always associated with unamendable provisions. The problems raised in this research are, first, how is the arrangement of unamendable provisions as constitutional identity in the 1945 Constitution? and second, what is the authority of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in constitutional amendments to the Constitution? This is a juridical normative research, which the results of the research conclude that first, the existence of unamendable provisions as a constitutional identity must be expressly stated in the Constitution. Unamendable provisions are implicitly contained in Article 37 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution and in the basic agreement made by the founding fathers of the nation before amending the Constitution. Second, the MPR's authority to amend the constitution is actually limited by provisions called unamendable provisions. This provision is contained in Article 37 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution and is contained in the basic agreement which since the beginning of Indonesia's independence has been established by the nation's founders as a limiting provision in amending the constitution. Although, the MPR has a very large authority given by the 1945 Constitution in amending the constitution, but in carrying it out the MPR must be accompanied by good faith and political goodwill.Key Words: Constitutional identity; unamendable provision; 1945 constitution Abstrak Ketentuan yang tidak dapat diubah (unamendable provisions) merupakan ketentuan dalam membatasi amandemen konstitusi. Unamendable provisions ada yang tersirat ditunjukkan langsung oleh konstitusi dan adapula yang muncul dikemudian hari apabila terdapat perselisihan terhadap amandemen konstitusi. Konsep identitas konstitusi selalu dikaitkan dengan unamendable provisions.Permasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini, pertama, bagaimana pengaturan ketentuan yang tidak dapat diubah (Unamendable Provisions) sebagai identitas konstitusi dalam Undang-Undang Dasar 1945? dan kedua, bagaimana kewenangan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) dalam amandemen konstitusi secara konstitusional?. Penelitian ini bersifat yuridis normatif, hasil dari penilitian menyimpulkan bahwa, pertama, keberadaan ketentuan yang tidak dapat diubah (unamendable provisions) sebagai identitas konstitusi harus secara tegas dinyatakan dalam konstitusi. Unamendable provisons secara tersirat terdapat dalam Pasal 37 ayat (5) UUD 1945 dan dalam kesepakatan dasar yang dibuat oleh pendiri bangsa sebelum mengubah konstitusi. Kedua, kewenangan MPR untuk mengubah konstitusi sejatinya dibatasi oleh ketentuan yang disebut unamendable provisions. Ketentuan ini terdapat dalam Pasal 37 ayat (5) UUD 1945 serta terdapat dalam kesepakatan dasar yang sejak awal kemerdekaan Indonesia telah ditetapkan oleh pendiri bangsa sebagai ketentuan pembatas dalam mengamandemen konstitusi. Meskipun, kewenangan MPR yang sangat besar diberikan oleh UUD1945 dalam mengamandemen konstitusi, tetapi dalam melaksanakannya MPR harus dibarengi dengan itikad baik dan political goodwill.Kata-kata Kunci: Identitas konstitusi; unamendable provision; Undang-Undang Dasar Tahun 1945

Pembangunan Hukum Nasional Menghadapi Non-Fungible Tokens Dalam Revolusi Digital Aufar Abdul Aziz
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art10

The purpose of this study is to analyze: first, the form and legal consequences that occur in Non-Fungible Tokens (NFT) transactions. Second, the role of legal development in dealing with NFT transactions in the era of the digital revolution. This is an empirical legal research as it examines NFT transactions that exist in the community with the approach to laws, legal principles, legal norms and existing legal theories. First, there are still obstacles in NFT transactions from a legal perspective, such as smart contracts executed in the blockchain system that have left several important elements of the agreement. Besides this, NFT itself has the potential to become a ground for cyber money laundering crimes because in blockchain technology it is possible to use anonymous and assets that are in the NFT have a high value as money laundering crimes that have taken place, money laundering often uses valuable assets. And the self-assessment tax reporting system allows individuals not to make tax payments. Second, the development of national law in dealing with NFT must prioritize efficiency as in the economic approach to Posner's law, in addition to the development of laws that create public order, laws that reflect values in society. It also requires the political will of the government in the law making process and law enforcement process in cyberspace, in order to present effective and efficient laws and regulations and law enforcement processes.Key Words: Cyberspace; non-fungible tokens; legal development AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini untuk menganalisis: pertama, bentuk serta akibat hukum yang terjadi dalam transaksi Non-Fungible Tokens (NFT). Kedua, peran pembangunan hukum dalam menghadapi transaksi NFT dalam era revolusi digital. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum empiris, dikarenakan penelitian ini mengkaji transaksi NFT yang ada di masyarakat dengan pendekatan undang-undang, asas hukum, norma hukum dan teori hukum yang ada. Pertama, masih terdapat kendala dalam transaksi NFT dari segi hukum, seperti smart contract yang dijalankan dalam sistem blockchain telah meninggalkan beberapa unsur penting perjanjian. Di samping hal tersebut NFT sendiri berpotensi menjadi lahan dalam tindak kejahatan cyber money laundering karena dalam teknologi blockchain dimungkinkan penggunaan anonymous dan aset yang berada dalam NFT memiliki nilai tinggi sebagaimana kejahatan money laundering yang telah berlangsung pencucian uang tersebut seringkali menggunaan aset berharga. Serta sistem pelaporan pajak self assesment memungkinkan individu untuk tidak melakukan pembayaran pajak. Kedua, pembangunan hukum nasional dalam menghadapi NFT harus mengutamakan efisiensi sebagaimana dalam pendekatan ekonomi terhadap hukum Posner, disamping pembangunan hukum yang menciptakan ketertiban masyarakat, hukum yang mencerminkan nilai-nilai di masyarakat. Serta diperlukan political will pemerintah dalam law making process maupun law enforcement process di cyberspace, agar menghadirkan peraturan perundang-undangan dan proses penegakan hukum yang efektif dan efisien.Kata-kata Kunci: Cyberspace; non-fungible tokens; pembangunan hukum

Reduksionisme AMDAL Dan Ancaman Deteriorasi Lingkungan: Perspektif Pembangunan Dalam Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja Asrizal
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art8

This study aims to analyze the meaning of development in terms of environmental management and protection as well as the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) provisions in Law 32 of 2009 which are reduced by Law 11 of 2020 on Job Creation. This is a normative legal research that uses a conceptual approach and a statutory approach. The results of the study show that the increasingly massive development that often ignores environmental aspects is the source of disasters and destruction of the environment. In practice, there is a shift or disorientation in the meaning of development which often ignores the principles of environmental protection and management. In addition, Law Number 11 of 2020 on Job Creation has reduced the existence of EIA as an instrument for controlling the potential negative impacts of a development activity or business. The Job Creation Act in the spirit of accelerating the investment climate in pursuit of national economic growth has neglected the fundamental aspects of environmental protection and management. Key Words: EIA; job creation; environment; development; reductionism AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis makna pembangunan dalam aspek pengelolaan dan perlindungan lingkungan hidup serta ketentuan AMDAL dalam UU 32 Tahun 2009 yang direduksi oleh UU 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang menggunakan pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa pembangunan yang kian massif yang kerap mengabaikan aspek lingkungan hidup adalah sumber dari bencana dan perusakan terhadap lingkungan hidup. Di dalam praksisnya, terjadi pergeseran atau disorientasi makna pembangunan yang kerap mengabaikan prinsip perlindungan dan pengeloaan lingkungan hidup. Selain itu, Undang-undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja telah mereduksi keberadaan AMDAL sebagai instrumen pengendalian potensi dampak negatif dari kegiatan atau usaha suatu pembangunan. Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja dengan semangat akselerasi iklim investasi dalam mengejar pertumbuhan ekonomi nasional telah mengabaikan aspek fundamental dari perlindungan dan pengelolaan lingkungan hidup. Kata-kata Kunci: AMDAL; cipta kerja; lingkungan hidup; pembangunan; reduksionisme

Ekonomi, Hukum dan Lingkungan Dalam Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja Abdul Rahman
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art7

This study aims to identify and analyze the legal conception as a means of development as well as to analyze the nature of the relationship between the economy, law and the environment contained in the Job Creation Law. This study uses normative legal research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of the study conclude, first, that development efforts carried out by the government should focus on the doctrine of sustainable development which is supported by an understanding of development law which will later become the government's insight in realizing sustainable economic growth. Second, the Job Creation Law, which is expected to be able to answer the problems of the times, does not work as desired because the development approach used prioritizes economic interests without paying attention to the environmental impact of economic activities.. Key Words: Economics; law; environment; sustainable development AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisa konsepsi hukum sebagai sarana pembangunan serta menganalisis corak hubungan antara ekonomi, hukum dan lingkungan yang ada dalam Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Hasil dari penelitian menyimpulkan, pertama, upaya pembangunan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah sudah seharusnya menitik beratkan pada doktrin pembangunan berkelanjutan yang di topang oleh paham hukum pembangunan yang nantinya akan menjadi wawaasan pemerintah dalam mewujutkan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang berkelanjutan. Kedua, Undang-Undang cipta kerja yang diharapkan mampu menjawab permasalahan zaman tak berjalan sesuai keinginan dikarenakan pendekatan pembangunan yang digunakan lebih mengedepankan kepentingan ekonomi tanpa memperhatikan dampak lingkungan dari kegiatan perekonomian. Kata-kata Kunci: Ekonomi; hukum; lingkungan; pembangunan berkelanjutan

Pelecehan Seksual Melalui Media Sosial Ditinjau Dari Pasal 27 Ayat (1) Undang-Undang Tentang Informasi Transaksi Elektronik Dela Khoirunisa
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art11

The purpose of this study is to identify: first, the modus operandi of the perpetrator in committing sexual harassment on social media. Second, the formulation of the offense in Article 27 paragraph (1) of Law Number 19 of 2016 on amendments to Law Number 11 of 2008 on Electronic Transaction Information (ITE) that reaches out to forms of sexual harassment on social media. The research uses normative research with a statutory approach. The results of the study concluded that First, there are at least 3 (three) modus operandi in general: a) by sending text, or images with negative content to the victim; b) spamming or writing inappropriate comments in the victim's comment field or social media; c) by approaching the opposite sex who is the target (victim). Approaching the targeted opposite sex accompanied by threats or rewards. Second, in relation to Article 27 paragraph (1) of the ITE Law, it must not reach various forms of sexual harassment through social media and prevent the birth of new forms of similar crimes through social media. This is because the provisions do not meet the elements of lex certa and lex scripta, namely that a law must contain elements of both actions, circumstances and consequences. In addition, a law must be strict, firm, clear and not contain various interpretations.Key Words: Social media; sexual harassment; modus operandi AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui: pertama, modus operandi pelaku dalam melakukan pelecehan seksual di media sosial. Kedua, untuk mengetahui rumusan delik dalam Pasal 27 ayat (1) Undang-Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2016 tentang perubahan atas Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2008 tentang Informasi Transaksi Elektronik (ITE) menjangkau bentuk-bentuk pelecehan seksual di media sosial. Penelitian menggunakan penelitian normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan, Pertama, setidaknya terdapat 3 (tiga) hal modus operandi secara umum: a) dengan mengirimkan teks, atau gambar berkonten negatif kepada korban; b) mengirim spam atau menulis komentar yang tidak pantas di kolom komentar korban atau media sosial; c) dengan cara melakukan pendekatan dengan lawan jenis yang dijadikan target (korban). Melakukan pendekatan dengan lawan jenis yang dijadikan target ini pada umumnya disertai dengan ancaman ataupun imbalan. Kedua, berkaitan dengan Pasal 27 ayat (1) Undang-Undang ITE tidak dapat menjangkau berbagai macam bentuk-bentuk pelecehan seksual melalui media sosial serta mencegah lahirnya bentuk-bentuk kejahatan baru yang serupa melalui media sosial. Hal ini disebabkan karena ketentuan tersebut tidak memenuhi unsur lex certa dan lex scripta yaitu suatu Undang-Undang harus memuat unsur-unsur baik perbuatan, keadaan maupun akibat. Selain itu suatu Undang-Undang haruslah bersifat ketat, tegas, jelas dan tidak mengandung berbagai tafsir. Kata-kata Kunci: Media sosial; pelecehan seksual; modus operandi

Partai Politik Lokal Dan Evaluasi Dalam Penyelenggaraan Dana Otonomi Khusus Aceh Silkika Nurparijah
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art9

Aceh as a special autonomous region can regulate and manage its own region. This authority is given by the central government through decentralization and deconcentration which is regulated in Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government. As a special autonomous region, Aceh is given the freedom to establish political parties and manage Dana Otonomi Khusus (DOKA) (the Aceh Special Autonomy Fund) for the welfare of the Acehnese people, but Aceh is still ranked first as the poorest region at the Sumatera level, data obtained through the Central Statistics Agency (BPS). This research method uses normative research to examine and analyze local government policies on the Aceh Special Autonomy Fund (DOKA) with a conceptual approach. The results of this The results of this study conclude from the corruption case in Aceh and the first poverty, First that local political parties are the sectoral leaders of Aceh's special autonomy funds through legislative and executive seats in the Aceh region, special autonomy funds are misused through regional infrastructure development. Second, that the special autonomy funds are controlled by combatants of the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) Free Aceh Movement through the collection of nangroe taxes which are deposited to the top officials of the Free Aceh Movement from funds for regional development planning and implementation.Key Words: Implementation of the Special Autonomy Fund for Aceh (DOKA), Aceh local political parties and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) AbstrakAceh as a special autonomous region is allowed to regulate and manage itself. This authority is given by the central government through the mechanism of decentralization and deconcentration as regulated in Law Number 23 of 2014 on Regional Government jo. Law Number 11 of 2006 on the Government of Aceh. As a special autonomous region, Aceh is given the freedom to establish local political parties and to manage the Aceh Special Autonomy Fund (DOKA) for the welfare of the Acehnese people, yet Aceh is still ranked as the poorest region in Sumatra level based on data obtained through the Central Statistics Agency (BPS). This research method uses normative research to examine and analyze local government policies on the Aceh Special Autonomy Fund (DOKA) with a conceptual approach. The results of this study conclude from the corruption case in Aceh and the first poverty data, that local political parties as the leading sector of Aceh's special autonomy funds through the legislative and executive seats in the Aceh region, special autonomy funds are misused through regional infrastructure development. Second, that the special autonomy funds are controlled by combatants of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) through Nanggroe tax collection which is deposited with the top officials of the Free Aceh Movement from funds for regional development planning and implementation. Kata-kata Kunci: Penyelenggaraan Dana Otonomi Khusus Aceh (DOKA); Partai Politik Lokal Aceh dan Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM)

Pemberlakuan Penggunaan Presidential Threshold Terhadap Pencalonan Presiden dan Wapres Indonesia Pada Pilpres 2019 Rahmat Rizki Aulawi
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art15

This study presents the following objectives: first, the application of the Presidential Threshold to the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidacy in Indonesia in the 2019 Presidential Election; and second, must the Presidential Threshold still be applied in the future Presidential and Vice Presidential candidacy. This is a normative research, which the approach employed is the statutory approach. The results of the study conclude that the implications of Presidential Threshold provision relates to the number of pairs of Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates in the 2019 general election which shall not exceed 2 pairs of candidates. If the Presidential Threshold remains applicable, injustice will arise for new parties that previously did not participate in the 2014 election. Whether the Presidential Threshold is in fact still relevant or not should be addressed by bearing in mind that it tends to harm the new parties. Hence it should be lowered so that the presidential threshold would allow for alternative candidate pairs that can be carried by parties with minority votes.Key Words: Presidential threshold; presidential election AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini adalah pertama, pemberlakukan penggunaan presidential threshold terhadap pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia pada Pilpres 2019 dan kedua masih perlukah presidential threshold diterapkan dalam pencalonan presiden dan wakil presiden ke-depan. Penelitian ini bersifat normatif, pendekatan yang dilakukan meliputi pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa, implikasi dari ketentuan presidential threshold ini berkaitan dengan jumlah pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada pemiluhan umum 2019 tidak akan melebihi 2 orang pasangan calon. Apabila ambang batas (presidential threshold) tetap diberlakukan maka akan muncul ketidakadilan bagi partai-partai baru yang sebelumnya tidak mengikuti pelaksanaan Pemilu 2014. Presidential threshold pada kenyataannya masih relevan atau tidak, karena dirasa cenderung merugikan partai-partai baru, Sehingga Dengan penurun batas ambang dari presidential threshold sendiri sehingga memungkinkan adanya calon-calon pasangan alternatif yang bisa diusung oleh partai-partai yang memiliki suara minoritas.Kata-kata Kunci: Presidential threshold; pemilihan presiden

Urgensi Penataan Ulang Mekanisme Pengisian Jabatan Penjabat Kepala Daerah Perspektif Demokrasi Konstitusional Mazdan Maftukha Assyayuti
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art5

The mechanism for filling the post of interim Chief of Region in the pre-election 2024 leaves a problem with the future of democracy and constitutionalism. This study aims to answer the urgency of rearranging the mechanism for filling the positions of Chiefs of Region from the constitutional democracy. This research method uses normative/doctrinal research using a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of this study conclude: that there is an urgency to rearrange the filling of the position of the acting Chief of Region on the grounds that a) the central government has taken the constitutional rights of the people in the regions by appointing an official; b) There has been a shift in regional autonomy in the implementation of general elections, in this case the Minister of Home Affairs does not authoritatively consider the input of the governor in filling the temporary position of the acting Chief of Region. With such urgency, it should be the regional secretary who must fill the vacancy in the pre-election position in 2024.Key Words: Rearrangement; acting chief of region; constitutional democracy AbstrakMekanisme pengisian jabatan kepala daerah sementara pra-pemilu tahun 2024 menyisakan problematika terhadap masa depan demokrasi dan konstitusionalisme. Penelitian ini bertujuan menjawab urgensi penataan ulang mekanisme pengisian jabatan penjabat kepala daerah ditinjau dari demokrasi konstitusional. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian normatif/doktrinal dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan: bahwa terdapat urgensi penataan ulang pengisian jabatan penjabat kepala daerah dengan alasan a) Pemerintah pusat telah mengambil hak konstitusional masyarakat di daerah dengan mengangkat penjabat; b) Telah terjadi pergeseran otonomi daerah dalam penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, dalam hal ini menteri dalam negeri secara otoritatif tidak mempertimbangkan masukan gubernur dalam pengisian jabatan sementara penjabat kepala daerah. Dengan urgensi demikian maka seharusnya sekretaris daerah yang harus mengisi kekosongan jabatan pra-pemilu tahun 2024. Kata-kata Kunci: Penataan ulang; penjabat kepala daerah sementara; demokrasi konstitusional

Kedudukan Kepala Otorita Ibu Kota Nusantara Dalam Perspektif Hukum Otonomi Daerah Rizki Mulyaningsih
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art6

The government officially promulgated Law Number 3 of 2022 on the State Capital (IKN Law) with the branding of Nusantara as the Capital. There lies a legal issue regarding the position of the Head of the IKN Authority in Article 5 paragraph (4) of the IKN Law. The Head of the IKN Authority is at the ministerial level, selected and appointed by the President. Hence, this study examines: First, how is the position of the Authoritative Head in Law Number 3 of 2022 in terms of the perspective of regional autonomy law? and Second, what are the implications of regulating the position of the Authoritative Head in terms of regional autonomy law? The research method used is juridical-normative with a statutory approach. The results of this study conclude that the regulation of the position of the Head of the IKN Authority is still centralized and is not in accordance with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The implications of this rule when viewed from the regional autonomy law, namely the election and dismissal of the Head of the IKN Authority is a privilege of the President, is centralized, and there is no Regional House of Representatives as an instrument of regional autonomy.Key Words: State capital; head of authority; regional autonomy AbstrakPemerintah resmi mengundangkan Undang-Undang Nomor 3 Tahun 2022 tentang Ibu Kota Negara (UU IKN) dengan branding Ibu Kota Nusantara. Terdapat persoalan terkait kedudukan Kepala Otorita IKN dalam Pasal 5 ayat (4) UU IKN. Persoalannya yaitu Kepala Otorita IKN berkedudukan setingkat menteri, ditunjuk, dan diangkat oleh Presiden. Maka, penelitian ini mengkaji: Pertama, bagaimana kedudukan kepala otorita dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 3 Tahun 2022 ditinjau dari perspektif hukum otonomi daerah? dan Kedua, bagaimana implikasi pengaturan kedudukan kepala otorita ditinjau dari hukum otonomi daerah? Metode penelitian yang digunakan yuridis-normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pengaturan kedudukan kepala otorita IKN masih bersifat sentralisasi dan belum sesuai dengan UUD NRI 1945. Implikasi aturan tersebut jika ditinjau dari hukum otonomi daerah, yaitu pemilihan dan pemberhentian Kepala Otorita IKN merupakan hak istimewa Presiden, bersifat sentralisasi, dan tidak ada DPRD sebagai instrumen otonomi daerah.Kata-kata Kunci: Ibu kota negara; kepala otorita; otonomi daerah

Penerapan Asas Keterbukaan Dalam Pembentukan Undang-Undang Tentang Cipta Kerja Dan Undang-Undang tentang Ibu Kota Negara Nor Fadillah
Lex Renaissance Vol 7 No 2 (2022): APRIL 2022
Publisher : Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/JLR.vol7.iss2.art3

The purpose of this study is to analyse the decision of the Constitutional Court in the judicial review of the Job Creation Law (CK Law) and the State Capital Law (IKN Law) and to measure the principle of transparency by the Constitutional Court (MK) in the judicial review of the two laws. This is based on Law Number 12 of 2011 on the Establishment of Legislation. The research method used is normative which positions the law as a system of norms to analyze the law that has been decided by the judge through the court process. The results of the study conclude that firstly, because the CK Law is proven not to apply the principle of openness, due to the lack of public participation and information that is difficult to access by the public. The Constitutional Court decided to partially grant case number 91/PUU-XVIII-2020 by being declared formally disabled and the Job Creation Law conditionally unconstitutional. While in the IKN Law, the Constitutional Court decided to reject the entire application with case number 25/PUU-XX/2022 and stated that the principle of openness was in accordance with the constitution and the IKN Law remained in effect. Second, the Constitutional Court does not yet have a definite measure or parameter regarding the principle of openness in the examination of the Law, because there are two laws which are almost the same in their formation procedure, namely the CK Law and the IKN Law but were decided with different decisions.Key Words: Openness principle; job creation law; IKN law AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini yakni untuk mengetahui putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam judicial review Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja (UU CK) dan Undang-Undang Ibu Kota Negara (UU IKN) serta menganalisis ukuran asas keterbukaan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) dalam judicial review kedua undang-undang tersebut berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah normatif yang memposisikan hukum sebagai sistem norma untuk menganalisis hukum yang telah diputuskan oleh hakim melalui proses pengadilan. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan, pertama, disebabkan UU CK terbukti tidak menerapkan asas keterbukaan, karena kurangnya partisipasi masyarakat dan informasi yang sulit diakses masyarakat. MK memutuskan mengabulkan sebagian dalam nomor perkara 91/PUU-XVIII-2020 dengan dinyatakan cacat secara formil dan UU Cipta Kerja inkonstitusional bersyarat. Sedangkan UU IKN, MK memutuskan menolak seluruhnya permohonan dengan nomor perkara 25/PUU-XX/2022 dan menyatakan bahwa asas keterbukaan sudah sesuai dengan konstitusi dan UU IKN tetap berlaku. Kedua, MK belum memiliki ukuran atau parameter yang pasti tentang asas keterbukaan dalam pengujian Undang-Undang, karena terdapat dua Undang-Undang yang secara prosedur pembentukan hampir sama yakni UU CK dan UU IKN tetapi diputus dengan putusan yang berbeda..Kata-kata Kunci: Asas keterbukaan, UU cipta kerja, UU IKN

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Daerah istimewa yogyakarta

INDONESIA

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Home Page

OAI Link

Editorial Team

Contact

Reviewer

Google Scholar

Contact Name Putera Mustika

Contact Email putera.mustika@uii.ac.id

Phone -

Journal Mail Official pascahukum@uii.ac.id

Editorial Address -

Location Kab. sleman, Daerah istimewa yogyakarta INDONESIA

Abstract

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Contact Name
Putera Mustika

Contact Email
putera.mustika@uii.ac.id

Phone
-

Journal Mail Official
pascahukum@uii.ac.id

Editorial Address
-

Location
Kab. sleman,

Daerah istimewa yogyakarta

INDONESIA