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Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Published by Universitas Islam Darul Ulum
ISSN : 2085143X     EISSN : 26208857     DOI : -
Core Subject : Humanities, Art, Social,
Arts Humanities Social Sciences
Jurnal MADANI Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Unisda Lamongan is published twice a year ie February and August is published by faculty of social sciences and political science of Islamic University Darul Ulum Lamongan.
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Articles 309 Documents
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Indonesia Dalam Poros Maritim Dunia dan Kapal Induk Sebagai Kunci Dari Diplomasi Maritim Muhammad Granit Ady Wirasisya; Arnold Arswenda Kusuma
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 17 No. 2 (2025): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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This paper examines the strategic position of aircraft carriers within modern naval power doctrine and their relevance to Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) framework amidst the shifting dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region. Rooted in the conceptualization of the oceans as global commons and the escalating global economic reliance on stable Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), this article posits sea power and naval diplomacy as pivotal strategic instruments in contemporary international relations. Utilizing a qualitativeanalytical approach based on literature and policy reviews, the discussion focuses on the evolution of the Carrier Strike Group concept, the rise of light aircraft carriers and multipurpose amphibious platforms (LHD/LHA), the integration of unmanned systems, and the strategic challenges presented by Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) capabilities and hypersonic missile technology. The analysis indicates that while aircraft carriers retain strategic value as instruments of power projection, deterrence, and maritime diplomacy, their vulnerability in high-intensity conflicts—combined with substantial procurement and operational costs—limits their relevance for non-great powers. For Indonesia, the aircraft carrier is no longer viewed as an urgent defense requirement but rather as an optionalstrategic instrument of maritime diplomacy. Specifically, light carriers or multi-purpose platforms could support regional stability and non-war operations, thereby enhancing Indonesia’s stature as an active and responsible maritime actor in the Indo-Pacific, in alignment with its "free and active" foreign policy doctrine.
Implementasi Pengelolaan Sampah Melalui Program Bank Sampah di Dinas Lingkungan Hidup Kabupaten Pohuwato (Studi Kasus: Bank Sampah Kecamatan Buntulia) Gretty Syatriani Saleh; Hasman Umuri; Defrianto Uno
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 17 No. 2 (2025): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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This study examines the implementation of solid waste management through the Waste Bank (Bank Sampah) program administered by the Environmental Agency (DLH) of Pohuwato Regency, Indonesia, with a case focus on Waste Banks in Buntulia District. Using a qualitative descriptive design, data were gathered through interviews, observations, and document review involving DLH officials, waste bank managers, health workers, and community members. The analysis applies Edward III’s policy implementation framework— communication, resources, disposition, and bureaucratic structure—to explain how the program operates, what supports it, and where gaps persist. Findings show that coordination across DLH and local actors, face-to-face outreach complemented by routine WhatsApp and meeting communication, and the availability of basic operational facilities (transport, scales, storage, and savings records) generally enable implementation. Implementers display strong commitment and service orientation, and internal standard operating procedures clarify workflows for receiving, weighing, recording, sorting, storing, and selling recyclables. Nevertheless, participation remains uneven due to differing awareness, incentives, and household sorting practices, while service regularity still needs strengthening. The study recommends more intensive public education, stronger inter-sector collaboration, and partnerships with recyclers and local SMEs to improve routine services, expand participation, and sustain program impacts particularly through village and health-service networks.
Demokrasi Jalan Menuju Kesejahteraan : Studi pada Negara Korea Selatan dan Negara India Dina Fadiyah; Muhamad Fathan Mandela
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 17 No. 2 (2025): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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This research aims to explore the role of democracy as a primary instrument in achieving prosperity and the formation of a welfare state, by comparing the experiences of two Asian nations: South Korea and India. Utilizing a qualitative-descriptive approach and library research methodology, this article analyzes how democratic mechanisms influence the distribution of social security and the effectiveness of public policy. The findings indicate that South Korea's democratic transition following the 1980s transformed a previously limited social security system into an inclusive and collaborative model, with national insurance coverage reaching 98.6% of the population by 2018. Conversely, although India stands as the world's largest democracy, it faces significant hurdles in implementing welfare programs— such as the MGNREGA—due to prevailing practices of populism and clientelism that obstruct citizen accessibility. The comparison of these two countries underscores a positive correlation between a high democracy index and the successful development of a welfare state. In conclusion, a healthy and collaborative democracy is not merely a political procedure but a fundamental prerequisite for fostering equitable economic prosperity for all citizens.
Analisis Pengelolaan Anggaran Pendapatan Belanja Desa (APBD) di Desa Lemito Kecamatan Lemito Kabupaten Pohuwato Edy Sijaya
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 17 No. 2 (2025): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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The objectives of the research to be conducted are as follows: To determine the Management of Village Revenue and Expenditure Budgets The method in this research is descriptive analysis with a quantitative and qualitative approach, namely research that uses numbers and words or sentences and images using samples and using questionnaires as a primary data collection tool. The population in this study is the village head of Lemito and village officials totaling 20 people, BPD 5 people, and community leaders of Lemito village, Lemito sub-district, Pohuwato Regency totaling 15 people. So the population in this study is 40 people. The sampling technique in this study uses Purposive Sampling, namely a method of sampling with certain considerations that clearly know the focus of the problems raised in this study. So the sample in this study is the village apparatus of Lemito totaling 20 people, BPD 5 people plus the Lemito village community that the researcher determined based on considerations, namely 15 people. So the total sample used as respondents is 40 people. The results of the study indicate that the four management indicators, namely planning, organizing, mobilizing, and monitoring in the management of the Village Budget (APBDes) in Lemito Village, Lemito District, have basically been running well, although of the four indicators that received a very good or very high rating was the planning indicator. Meanwhile, those that received a low or good rating and need to be improved by the Lemito village government in managing the APBDes were the organizing and mobilizing indicators, which still lack community participation or community involvement in the implementation of activities sourced from the APBDes in Lemito Village. Meanwhile, the results of the study on the APBDes seen from the indicators of Revenue, Expenditure, and Financing, based on respondents' assessments that for the 2019 budget year, the Lemito Village APBDes of1,947,351,497.00 was considered insufficient for village needs, especially in terms of financing development and community empowerment. The researcher's findings indicate that the amount of the APBDes is still largely used for employee expenses, including payments for village officials' salaries, BPD salaries, incentives, and others.
Ekologi Politik Pencemaran Air: Hegemoni Industri Ekstraktif dan Marginalisasi Petani di Bojonegoro Ahmad Sholikin
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 10 No. 2 (2018): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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The massive expansion of the oil and gas extractive industry in Bojonegoro Regency, Indonesia, has triggered severe hydrological disruptions, jeopardizing the socio-ecological foundation of local agrarian communities. While previous studies have predominantly focused on land conflicts and revenue-sharing dynamics, this research shifts the analytical paradigm toward hydropolitics. This study aims to unpack the political ecology of water pollution, corporate hegemony, and the systemic marginalization of local farmers in the region. Employing a critical qualitative approach through an instrumental case study method, data were gathered via in-depth interviews, participant observation, and document analysis in the "Ring 1" operational areas. The findings reveal four crucial realities. First, water pollution in the area is not merely a technical accident but a legitimized 'political compromise' stemming from systemic environmental governance failures and the weakening of regulatory instruments. Second, the extractive industry, in alliance with local elites, utilizes development narratives and manipulates Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs as a social pacifier and greenwashing strategy to suppress grassroots conflicts. Third, this ecological degradation leads to the systemic marginalization of the agrarian class, manifesting as a 'resource curse' that devastates their economic resilience and food sovereignty, forcing a massive proletarianization. Finally, in response to this structural oppression, an organic hydropolitical resistance has emerged at the grassroots level—significantly driven by rural women—demanding spatial justice and the restoration of their ecological rights. This article concludes that resolving such ecological crises requires dismantling the extractive hegemony and institutionalizing a legally binding 'nexus safeguard mechanism' that prioritizes the constitutional right to water and food over the accumulation of energy capital.
Ekonomi Politik Masa Transisi: Kebijakan Afirmatif UMKM Menghadapi Ancaman Pasca-Ekstraktif (Post-Mining Era) di Tingkat Daerah Suci Indah Sari; Ahmad Sholikin
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 16 No. 2 (2024): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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Regional economies heavily dependent on extractive industries often face the "resource curse," characterized by fiscal addiction and the marginalization of sustainable sectors. As mineral and oil reserves are finite, the transition to a post-extractive era becomes an existential necessity, positioning Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) as a critical "economic lifeboat." This study aims to analyze the political economy of Bojonegoro Regency’s transition strategy, specifically evaluating the alignment between political rhetoric and the actual implementation of affirmative policies for MSMEs amidst the region's massive oil and gas revenues. Using a qualitative approach with an embedded single-case study design, this research examines regional planning documents (RPJMD, Renja, and APBD) and incorporates in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, including local government planners, legislators, and MSME associations. The findings reveal an acute "fiscal narcosis" where the local government remains complacent due to high Revenue Sharing Funds (DBH) from the Cepu Block. Despite pro-MSME political rhetoric, fiscal commitment remains marginal, with MSME-related budgets accounting for less than 2% of the total APBD. Interventions are predominantly ceremonial and "business as usual," lacking structural transformation such as massive credit subsidies or market protection. This policy failure is driven by elite pragmatism and five-year electoral cycles, where leaders prioritize monumental infrastructure projects for instant political visibility and rent-seeking opportunities over long-term MSME development. The transition to a post-extractive era in Bojonegoro remains a "technocratic illusion." Without a radical shift toward a "Local Developmental State" model that prioritizes structural protection for MSMEs, the region faces a severe fiscal and social shock once extractive production ceases.
Politik Tata Kelola Sumber Daya Alam di Era Reformasi: Jejaring Elite, Konflik Kepentingan, dan Ketimpangan Ekologis Ahmad Sholikin
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 17 No. 2 (2025): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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The post-1998 political transition in Indonesia was expected to democratize natural resource governance. However, the current reality demonstrates a paradoxical shift towards centralized oligarchic control, culminating in the enactment of the Job Creation Law (UU Cipta Kerja). While existing literature often separates macro-legal critiques from micro-level project failures, this article integrates political economy and political ecology perspectives to examine how legal architecture systematically manufactures ecological inequality. Employing a qualitative documentary research method, this study analyzes legal frameworks and investigative reports from various civil society organizations. The findings reveal three interconnected mechanisms of exploitation. First, UU Cipta Kerja functions as an oligarchic legal architecture that facilitates regulatory capture, systematically dismantling environmental safeguards and public participation. Second, the implementation of the National Strategic Project of Food Estate in Central Kalimantan operates as an arena for rent-seeking, where the narrative of national food security disguises state-sponsored resource grabbing and massive deforestation. Third, the timber extracted from this deforestation is integrated into the global supply chain of transnational pulp industries, utilizing greenwashing mechanisms to penetrate strict international markets, including the European Union. Ultimately, this study concludes that ecological degradation at the grassroots level is not a mere administrative failure, but a deliberately manufactured outcome that privatizes wealth for the elite network while burdening Indigenous and local communities with permanent socio-ecological vulnerabilities.
The Use of The Quick Response Code Indonesian Standard (QRIS) in Indonesia-Thailand Economic Interaction Amalia Nur Azizah; Etha Pasan
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 18 No. 1 (2026): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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Indonesia already has a Local Currency Transaction (LCT), a cross-border payment system that uses local currency to support international trade between partner countries. However, in 2021, Bank Indonesia issued a cross-border payment system called QRIS cross-border and invited neighboring countries, namely Thailand, to cooperate by using the QR code-based payment tool. Seeing this, LCT actually has adventages such as being able to reduce dependence on the US Dollar, the liquidity of the Rupiah and Bath currencies is more guaranteed and hedging costs will be more affortdable, which are also included in the QRIS system. This raises questions about what interest Indonesia has in offering to re-offer cooperation with Thailand through QRIS, even though LCT has provided similar benefits. This study aims to explain Indonesia’s interests in using QRIS cross-border within the framework of LCS cooperation towards economic interaction with Thailand.
The Paradox of Democratic Media: Platform Logic and the Failure of Policy Conversion in Indonesia's 17+8 Movement Alif Firdaus Zamzam; Nurul Laili
Madani: Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan Vol. 18 No. 1 (2026): MADANI : Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
Publisher : Universitas Islam Darul Ulum Lamongan

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Indonesia witnessed an unprecedented wave of nationwide mass mobilization driven by widening disparities between the privileges enjoyed by political elites and the mounting economic pressures faced by lower- and middle-income communities. This mobilization was further amplified by the rapid circulation of digital narratives across social media platforms. This article examines the movement's central paradox: its remarkable capacity to rapidly consolidate cross-class demands was accompanied—not proportionally, but simultaneously—by its inability to translate those demands into binding public policy. This study employs a qualitative literature review approach combined with digital discourse analysis of publicly circulated social media content collected during the escalation of the movement and the subsequent post-deadline monitoring period. The analysis proceeds through three stages: mapping the movement's action-network structure, tracing the declining visibility of campaign hashtags over time, and interpreting the findings through the theoretical framework of paradoxical democracy. The findings demonstrate that the 17+8 Movement represents a prototype of a crowd-enabled action network operating without a formal brokering organization. While this decentralized structure enabled rapid mass mobilization, it also rendered the movement highly vulnerable to digital repression and algorithmic shifts in public attention once the viral momentum subsided. Consequently, the movement's failure to achieve policy conversion should not be interpreted as evidence of the ineffectiveness of digital activism itself. Rather, it reflects a structural failure of policy conversion, arising from a digital ecosystem that remains insufficiently connected to institutional channels capable of transforming civic participation into formal political outcomes before public attention shifts toward competing issues.

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