Nation State : Journal of International Studies
Nation State: Journal of International Studies (NSJIS) is a scientific publication under management of International Relations Department, Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Universitas AMIKOM Yogyakarta in collaboration with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (AIHII). The journal aims to facilitate the exchange and dissemination of ideas and research in the field of International Relations. The scope of this journal consist of Global Political Economy; Diplomacy and Foreign Policy; Globalization and Global Civil Society; Global Governance; Regional and International Security; or The other topic related to international studies.
Articles
109 Documents
<![CDATA[Upaya Sekuritisasi Pemerintah Bangladesh Terhadap Keberadaan Pengungsi Rohingya ]]>
<![CDATA[Pertiwi, Yuliana Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.460
<![CDATA[The prolong existence of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh had caused several problems and threatened its national security and people of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Government as securitizing actor take securitization act to protect its national security and people of Bangladesh based on policies made. This research use securitization theory or Copenhagen School to enlightened Bangladesh Government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh upon the problem caused by the existence of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. This research uses qualitative methods with books and journal articles related as data sources. The result of this research shows Bangladesh government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh based on its policies is the best way for both parties to repress the broadening of existing problem.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Prinsip-Prinsip Dasar ASEAN Terhadap Pola Kerjasama ASEAN Menghadapi Krisis Kudeta Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Alvela]]>;
<![CDATA[Jasmine, Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Salma, Riana]]>;
<![CDATA[Bagasta, Galang]]>;
<![CDATA[Faturrahman, M. Padhil]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.488
<![CDATA[ASEAN as a regional organization has fundamental principles that underlie all activities carried out by member countries. This basic principle was recorded in the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia) in 1976. However, in February 2021, one of the ASEAN member countries, Myanmar, was facing a crisis caused by a coup by the Myanmar military. ASEAN has a fundamental principle that keeps member countries from interfering with each other. However, the Myanmar crisis could affect other member countries and ASEAN cooperation. This study aims to determine the pattern of ASEAN cooperation in dealing with the Myanmar crisis under the basic principles of ASEAN. The research method used is a case study method with this type of research as qualitative research. This paper concludes that ASEAN principles which contrasting to the issues that currently occur make it difficult for ASEAN to make a foreign policy-making approach to the issue of the Myanmar military coup. In addition, this paper also concludes that to overcome the limits given by these basic principles, ASEAN takes an approach through the ASEAN Way of Diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kepentingan Jerman dalam Pengiriman Main Battle Tank Leopard ke Indonesia (2012-2017) ]]>
<![CDATA[Ilhamna Putri, Valery]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.499
<![CDATA[This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.]]>
<![CDATA[China's Digital Silk Road: The Loss for Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Blestri Jasuma, Nanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusuma Paksi, Arie]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.513
<![CDATA[One of China’s great projects in the current digital era, namely the Digital Silk Road (DSR) project, merits an examination from a Gramscian lens. While liberals are talking about how this project can beneficially the partner’s country, Gramsci’s thought can provide the other perspective in understanding how this project can give unexpected costs for the partner country. As the biggest market in Southeast Asia’s country, Indonesia is worth the attention related to this issue as this country has become one of the strategic partners of China’s DSR. However, DSR is offering both economic benefits and multi-faceted costs simultaneously for Indonesia. Hence, this study argues that the DSR project, in Gramsci lens, is giving a push for China to spread its hegemony and take over the domination in the Indonesian economy. This study is supported by the qualitative research method with the data is collected through secondary data and literature review.]]>
<![CDATA[De-extremization Effort through Political Re-education Camps In China: A Case of Uyghur Ethnic Minorities ]]>
<![CDATA[Nagib, Rima Abdul Mujib]]>;
<![CDATA[Anam, Syaiful]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.517
<![CDATA[The rise of Islamic extremism has prompted global Islamophobia and general hatred for Muslims, which is felt towards both the religion itself and ethno-religious groups such as the one present in China. The spread and acts of Islamic extremism in China might surprise the global community but the concerning level of threat on the issue affected domestic security policies. In explaining the case study, the qualitative research uses a combination of descriptive and explanatory approaches while simultaneously merging the three constructivist theory approaches from notable scholars such as Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore and Peter Katzenstein. The research concludes that while there may be variations of methods to combat Islamic extremism, the implementation of political re-education camp for the Uyghurs seems to be the best and most effective method in both de-extremizing the minority group from potential Islamic extremist ideology and enforcing the Chinese government’s interests. Justifications of the choice include the constructivist aspects of the international norms, repetition of historical and existing trajectories as well as the successful rate of cleansing troubled and infected people from negative ideologies based on the Chinese societal norms.]]>
<![CDATA[Inequity in International Climate Change Negotiations ]]>
<![CDATA[Nanda, Serge Silatsa]]>;
<![CDATA[Samba, Omar]]>;
<![CDATA[Sahide, Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 2 (2021): Conflict and the Problem of Cooperation in International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.444
<![CDATA[The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.]]>
<![CDATA[How Does Japan Perceive China as an Adversary? The Dispute in Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands ]]>
<![CDATA[Prabowo, Muhammad Arif]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 2 (2021): Conflict and the Problem of Cooperation in International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.497
<![CDATA[A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.]]>
<![CDATA[The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict ]]>
<![CDATA[Imanuddin, Ahmad Fauzi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sugito, Sugito]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 2 (2021): Conflict and the Problem of Cooperation in International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.526
<![CDATA[The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.]]>
<![CDATA[India’s Withdrawal from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) ]]>
<![CDATA[Wicaksono, Abraham Hugo Pandu]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 2 (2021): Conflict and the Problem of Cooperation in International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.571
<![CDATA[The Sino-US competition in the Indo-Pacific has become a central issue in international relations and how the competition of both countries affects state behavior. This article attempts to provide explanations of India's behavior in deciding to leave the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement by using the neoclassical realism theory. Neoclassical realism believes that the actors' behavior is influenced by the constellation of international structures and domestic constellations. India's exit from RCEP was influenced by structural changes in the Indo-Pacific region, with the loss of China's balance of power marked by the withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Moreover, the condition has been exacerbated by the pressure received by Narendra Modi at the domestic level with the emergence of rejection of India's involvement in RCEP. It has influenced Narendra Modi's perception, who was active in the region with the two factors above, decided to resign from RCEP. ]]>
<![CDATA[How COVID-19 Pandemic Bolsters China’s Influence Toward Hegemonic Race In ASEAN? ]]>
<![CDATA[Rusli, Andi Ibnu Masri]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 4 No. 2 (2021): Conflict and the Problem of Cooperation in International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.587
<![CDATA[The Covid-19 outbreak that occurred at the end of 2019 added to a long series of global crises at a time when the trade war was still ongoing. The epidemic then quickly spread throughout the world. Southeast Asia is no exception. The presence of this epidemic in Southeast Asia adds to the intensity of the struggle for hegemony between the United States and China. Vaccine diplomacy from China, the United States, and ASEAN itself presents its own dynamics for the competition for hegemony in this region from the two countries. This paper uses a qualitative method approach, where the author presents a critical review of the current dynamics. While the theoretical basis, the author uses the theory of hegemony through non-traditional security approach instruments centered on the vaccine diplomacy competition conducted by two superpower countries. The results show how the dynamics of the superiority of China's vaccine diplomacy are important points and provide broad projections of a new chapter in the struggle for hegemony in Southeast Asia.]]>
